ADDENDUM.

UNLAWFUL SOCIETIES IN IRELAND BILL.] The following Report of Mr. Dawson's Speech in the House of Commons on the 14th of February, on Mr. Goulburn's Motion for leave to bring in a " Bill to amend certain Acts relating to Unlawful Societies in Ireland" will be found more correct than the one given at p. 357. Mr. Dawson said, that, after the long | party has followed party, faction has foldiscussion which the motion of his right lowed faction, and the whole history of hon. friend had undergone, he thought the country, which unfortunately presents it neither decorous nor necessary to detain one continued series of blood, massacre, the House very long with the expression and misery, is an ample illustration of the of his opinion; he was anxious, however, danger of ungovernable parties; besides to explain the reasons of his vote, and he the character of an Irishman, is of all should endeavour to do so as concisely others, the least suited for such a trial. as possible, by avoiding an unnecessary Rash and impetuous in his passions, he allusion to the general question of Catho- obeys only the impulse of the moment; lic emancipation. In the many eloquent his natural susceptibility lays him open to speeches which had preceded him, at the power of any demagogue who makes least one half of the time had been con- the strongest appeal to his imagination; sumed in discussing, not the conduct or his actions follow the impulse of this feeleffect of the Catholic Association, but the ing, and if reflection comes at all, it is merits of the Catholic question, and in the only from the bitter fruit of disappointsame proportion that reason and argument ment and defeat. It is to him, therefore, have been wanting to support the opposi- a source of the greatest satisfaction, that tion to his right hon. friend's motion, so it has been resolved to check this evil by appeals to the passions, and the powers of putting down all kinds of associations; imagination, have been applied to excite all kinds, because, though the Catholic the feelings and divert the judgment from Association was the most dangerous, the its proper subject. He should abstain, most mischievous, and the most unconstitherefore, from following such examples, tutional, which has ever been begot in and should confine himself to this observa- that country, yet the cure will be incomtion with respect to the Catholic question, plete unless the spirit of Association be that every passing event, and every pro- rooted out altogether. Let any man conceeding of the Catholics, confirmed him sider for a moment the character of still more strongly in the opinion which popular assemblies in Ireland, and, with he had always maintained. That a further but one exception, he will find the result concession to their claims is incompatible invariably the same, namely, ruin and dewith the safety of our constitution. struction to the actors, disgrace and infamy to the country. The only exception to this miserable catalogue, is the Convention of the volunteers in 1782. That assembly, without doubt, accomplished great and glorious deeds, and deserves the gratitude of every friend of his country, and of liberty; but the national restlessness was nearly breaking forth even in this assembly, and a civil war between the volunteers and the parliament was prevented only by the firmness and prudence of lord Charlemont, who determined to withdraw himself from the convention after it had obtained the first object for which it was constituted. The convention followed his prudent advice, and

With respect to the question before the House, it seems to him that no man who understands the Irish character, that no man who has read the history of Ireland with common attention, that no man who has watched the progress of events in that country for the last thirty years, can conscientiously stand up and support associasions of any kind whatsoever. From the earliest period associations have been the curse of Ireland. In no country has the division of the inhabitants been so marked, so decided, so indelible, as in Ireland. The division between the Irish and the English has descended, under various denominations, through seven centuries;

administration of justice; that it calum- of the country, it has associated in its niates the character of every respectable labours the priesthood, who have amply man in the country; that it paralyzes the repaid the expectations of the Association, magistracy; that it keeps the people, by their undisguised expressions of hosthrough the instrumentality of the priests, tility to the constitution of the empire, in a state of servile vassalage, ready to and by their unceasing efforts to instil the obey their orders however dangerous; and same hatred into the ignorant and infatuthat it levies a tax upon the people, to be ated peasantry. Now, Sir, many hon. converted to their own mischievous pur- gentlemen have said, that they see no poses, no matter what they are. All this is harm in the proceedings of the Association, proved; is as evident as the sun at noon and that the speeches of their leaders, day; and yet the hon. gentlemen refuse like all violent harangues, are soon to check the career of this dangerous forgotten. But, Sir, the Catholic Assoassociation. They still continue to hurl ciation takes care that the effect of their their anathemas against Orange lodges, speeches shall not be confined to those when, in fact, there are no Orange lodges who hear them; the auditors perhaps in existence; at least he would state for know their leaders too well to be much the satisfaction of the hon. member for affected by their orations; but when these Wicklow, who seems to think Derry the speeches are sent down to every little focus of all Orangeism, that there are no village in the country, when every insti Orange lodges in that city; they still con- tution in church and state, when the tinue to laud the peaceable, mild, and highest characters both in England and tranquillizing conduct of the leaders of Ireland are held up to public odium, the Catholic Association, and to condemn when the ecclesiastical bench, the judicial lord O'Neil for not abandoning his poli- bench, the magistracy, the parliament, the tical principles. They justify Mr. O'Con- laws of the land are calumniated and misnell and others for driving their country represented, when rebels who have suf almost into a state of rebellion by their fered from the offended laws of their inflammatory speeches; but they can find country receive public thanks, when the no excuse for lord O'Neil's continuing people are encouraged to unite in one stedfast to the principles of his family. general system to pull down every Can any man blame lord O'Neil for seek- establishment in the kingdom, these ing protection in the times of peril speeches are not to be judged by the through which we have passed? Can any character of the speakers, but by the man blame him for wishing to know who effects which they produce upon a creare his friends, and who are his foes? dulous and ignorant people. It will His father found himself deceived in the hardly be believed to what an extent appeal which he made to the humanity of this violence has been carried; and as he a neighbouring dependant. He found had no means of judging of the intentions kindness forgotten, and all the kindly feel- of the gentlemen who deliver their sen ings of nature destroyed by the poison of timents in the Catholic Association but by political hatred; and can we, or ought we, their speeches, as he had no means to blame the son who seeks only to know ascertaining the object of the Association those to whom he can trust? but by its proceedings, he should endesBut his objection to the Catholic Asso-vour to explain the impression which is ciation was founded upon much stronger made upon his mind by a few extracts reasons than upon an objection in prin- from them. ciple to associations. It appeared to him to be the most dangerous and most mischievous body which has ever been sufered to exist in Ireland. Its proceedings, the speeches of its members, the agency of the priests, all unite to make it the most dangerous engine to work upon the passions of such a susceptible people as the Irish. It commands a paid press to circulate its poison through every part of the country, it has orators who stick at no falsehood to alienate the people from their confidence in every established institution

What says the Finance report which was published in the early part of the last year, before the rent became as successful as it is at present, and 50,000 copies of which were circulated through the country:

"It exhorts the people to wait in the sullen silence of discontent for a more favourable opportunity and better organized resources, to prove to Britain and the world that we are men, and deserve to be free."-This language is plain enough, it breathes the spirit of disaffection, and of

disappointment at not having the power | self also to the assaults of the Catholic to carry these designs into execution. Association, by his observations on the But what says Mr. O'Connell a short Catholic claims. He is represented in a time afterwards, when the rent became report from the Association, which was to more abundant, and when the means were be circulated throughout the country, as daily accumulating of arming and organi- an enemy to the Irish people; and when zing the peasantry; he says, "He would one gentleman wished to have the exnot press the introduction of the claim of pression softened, Mr. O'Connell refused, arming the Roman Catholics, for if he declared that it was just, and that the did, it might be supposed that they were heir apparent ought not to forget that going to proclaim war at once." Now, there was once a duke of York who lost Sir, this sounds very ridiculous in this his crown and kingdom. Another orator House, but I should like to ask what is observed, "that by the public expression the effect produced upon the mind of a of their sentiments, the duke of York Catholic peasant in Kerry by this lan- might be induced to alter his opinion, as guage? Does it not prepare him, aye far as related to the Catholics of Ireland, and every Catholic peasant in Ireland, but that his was a life of no service." to expect that some great design is in agitation, and does it not prepare him to put into execution another favourite exclamation of the same gentleman, "Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not, who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." This may be called figurative language, the exuberance of eloquence, of a heated imagination, and so forth; but the Catholic peasant sees in it good practical matter, and would not be sorry to have it brought to the test of experience. He could read many other passages in the same strain, but it is enough that such sentiments are uttered, and circulated with assiduity among the people, to convince any one that the assembly from which they emanate is most dangerous and unconstitutional.

And what, Sir, is the language of the Association in reviewing the conduct of such members of either House of parliament, as venture to express any sentiment unfavourable to the Catholics; all courtesy, all moderation is abandoned, and the liberty of speaking our thoughts is represented as the highest crime against the majority of the Catholic people; one gentleman (Mr. Shiell), says, that "if the British legislature require the degradation of a whole people for the enjoyment of its advantages, that it is the asylum of intolerance," and so on. When lord Redesdale states in the House of Lords that he shall freely give his opinion upon the Catholic question, and shall not be deterred by the fact, that his assassination was preached from the altar by a priest in Dublin, the Association immediately decree that the assertion is calumnious, and not only calumnious, but an assassinating calumny. His royal highness the duke of York exposed him

This, Sir, is the tone in which they speak of the parliament; these are the sentiments which they circulate through every part of the country; he allowed, indeed, that such assertions are contemptible, but is it safe, is it just, to allow a slanderous faction to disseminate their poison among a deluded and credulous peasantry?

The same hostility pursues every mem. ber of the Established Church, wherever an effort has been made to counteract the objections of the Catholic Association. The archbishops, bishops, and clergy of all descriptions, are involved in a general anathema; they are held up to accusation, as plunderers by the Catholic Association, and they are denounced as usurpers by the Roman Catholic clergy. Every act of kindness, of charity, of duty, performed by the Protestant clergy towards the poor of their districts, has been forgotten since the establishment of the Catholic Associa tion. During the severe season of distress in the West of Ireland, in the year 1822, the archbishop of Tuam, who with true charity exerted himself for the relief of the poor, received the following address from Dr. Kelly, the Roman Catholic archbishop of the diocese:

"Resolved, That the judicious, efficient and unwearied exertions of his grace the archbishop of Tuam, in the causes of charity, call forth our warmest sentiments of admiration, and we now beg to offer him the humble tribute of our sincere gratitude, hoping that his benignity of character, and his active and well-directed beneficence (qualities worthy of our emulation), may long continue to shed their influence over us.

OLIVER KELLY." At this time, there was no Catholic