that the settlers had expressed themselves in warm terms of gratitude to the Colonial government, for the care displayed by it in providing for their welfare, and for the happy condition in which they were now placed.

Mr. Gordon rose to repel some of the animadversions which the hon. member for Aberdeen had directed against the noble lord at the head of the colonial department. He could not help con

guage as peculiarly unseaonable, when the hon. member admitted that he had no objection to the proposition of the hon. Secretary. The main ground of charge seemed to be, that the measure now proposed had not been adopted years ago; but possibly want of capital or want of a spirit of adventure might have prevented their application before. As to the ob

the present bill, then, were calculated to amend the vices and errors which were the reproach of the hon. gentleman's predecessor in office, it should have his ap. probation. He would repeat that, for the last twelve or fourteen years, the colonial system had been a disgrace to the government; so much so, that if there was a reformed House of Commons, he would impeach lord Bathurst for breach of duty, and move an address to the king for his dismissal. His reasons for such impeach-sidering the use of strong or harsh lanment would not be confined to the maladministration of Upper Canada, but to the general abuses of the noble lord's system in the Ionian Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and the other settlements. That was his honest conviction of lord Bathurst's system; and that it ought to have led to a general colonial inquiry, to see if a more efficient check could not be put upon local abuses. Look, for in-servations respecting the appointments of stance, at the Cape, where the grossest and most glaring injustice was daily suffering where British subjects were transported from thence to Botany Bay, under circumstances of the most aggravated oppression-and where complaints were daily made, which called for redress from any man who had a heart to feel for human misery. He wished it was in his power to do more than utter the language of complaint with reference to these abuses; and at least to remove the inefficient head of the department, who had applied no corrective to them. Respecting the present bill, he was anxious to know whether it was intended to cede or grant to the new company all the Crown reserves and church returns without qualification? Did they mean to sell the land, and leave the new purchasers to retail at their own prices? If they did, they were likely to create a private mono. poly, as injurious as the previous system. In fairness, all this ought to be explained in the first instance.

Mr. Baring wished to know, whether this bill was intended merely to admit the principle of the proposed change of system, or to enable the Crown at once to execute it in all its details.

Mr. M. Fitzgerald was of opinion, that the effect of what had fallen from his hon. friend, was, to create a greater impression in the House and abroad than possibly he himself intended. He had belonged to the committee appointed to look into the subject of Canadian settlers, and that committee had it in proof before them,

colonial governors, that was a cabinet measure, and lord Bathurst was not singly answerable. He would undertake to say that, in all the details of the colonial office, a strict scrutiny was resorted to, in order to ascertain the characters of the servants of government sent out to the colonies.

Mr. Bright said, that, as far as the principle of the bill went, it had his most hearty assent, as he considered it a matter of necessity, to advance the progress and increase the population of the colony of Canada; but he trusted, that the bill had been framed on the opinion and advice of the colonial legislature. If that had not been done, he hoped it would not pass this session. He did not know to what extent the grants of land in that country were to be sold; but if, unfortunately, those lands were not properly settled and cultivated, instead of a benefit the measure would prove an injury to the colony. He would recommend, that the 20,000l. which it was proposed should be paid to the Crown annually, for a certain number of years, should be applied to pay the expenses of emigration to that colony.

Mr. Baring pressed upon his majesty's government the expediency of considering, in good time, what must, of necessity, be the future condition of Canada. It was impossible that it could very long continue to be a colony of Great Britain; for all experience proved, that no colony could, for any great extent of time, continue in that relation to the parent country, the productions of which were similar to the productions of the parent country.

Mr. Robertson said, that in the event of a union being formed with America and any of the continental powers, against this country, it would require an immense force to protect Canada; which might, after all, be of no avail.

It would, therefore, be wise to consider in the Canadians to a much greater exthe propriety of doing that freely and intent than the present bill would do; which time, which might otherwise be accom- he could look upon in no other light than plished after great bloodshed and expense. as a Stock Exchange speculation. But, If his majesty's government lost sight of if the present bill were persevered in, a this important consideration, they would clause should be introduced, that all lands very much misunderstand the best inter- that were not cultivated after a certain ests of the empire. He begged of the number of years, should be surrendered House to recollect, that the colony for back to the Crown. The country would which they were then legislating was a then have some security, that the mononarrow slip of land of from 1,000 to 1,500 polists would not hold the land for ever. miles in extent; that its inhabitants were both enterprising and ambitious, and thoroughly imbued with the feeling, common in the new world, for getting entirely rid of the dominion of Europeans. He thought, therefore, that this government should act in time; and he would recommend to them to call on the legislature of Canada to inquire whether they felt themselves strong enough to separate from the mother country, and desired to be set on their own legs. We should thereby ensure the good feelings of those whom we had nurtured and brought up until they could take care of themselves. By such a policy our commercial intercourse with that country would always be attended with advantages. It would also be an act of generosity consistent with the dignity of a great country. He did not think that the interests of either country were promoted by the present bill. It appeared to be brought in for no other purpose than to support a Joint Stock company, established to speculate on emigration.

Mr. Wilmot Horton observed, that the principle of the bill did not relate entirely to emigration. That was an incidental part of it.

Mr. Wilmot Horton said, he had been most anxious to supply all the information in his power, relative to the proposed plan, and he must remind the House, that there was an indefinite extent of fertile land, sufficient to absorb the exertions of any amount of population that might be sent there. The object of the bill was chiefly to place the company in the character of an individual; to enable it, as an individual, to make its bargains in Canada. The framers of the bill certainly contemplated that a large influx of capital into that country, applicable, according to the directions of government, must prove of immense service to it; and it was unquestionably a part of the stipulation, that all those lands which were not settled within a certain period, should be given up to government. Under those restrictions, the company was entitled to settle the lands in whatever way it pleased.. The government contemplated the system Mr. Baring. It was to further the of purchasing lands, as the most beneficial views of a Joint Stock company, which to the colony, and as a means of introwas to pay the government 20,000l. for ducing wealth into it. With regard to the fifteen years, amounting in the whole to question of emigration, that was not to 300,000l. a sum which, he believed, all be carried on by government; but certhe waste lands, in Canada, would not pro-tainly the colony did not require that duce, if put up to auction to-morrow. That company, therefore, would be more intent on getting back its 300,000l. than on advancing the interests of Canada. He therefore, as at present advised, could not see how the bill could tend to the improvement of that country. He would suggest, that a land-office should be opened in Canada, as had been done in America, where individuals might go and purchase whatever quantity they wanted; and that all land should be put under the management of the local legislature. Such a step would inspire confidence and attachment

poor people should emigrate there, they wanted capital. But he must say, that if the House desired to see the details of the measure, it was competent to any hon. member to move for papers; and then, if any thing objectionable was discovered, there would be some ground for complaint. That could not be considered a monopoly where an equivalent in money was given for the land. The land was to be purchased on a fair valuation, and he did not think that any more satisfactory mode could have been adopted. In what ever point of view he looked at it, he con

sidered it as a most advantageous measure. I had been continued' subsequently by vaThe bill was not a consequence of the rious statutes passed for the renewal of its rage for speculation. It had been in-charter. Previously to 1821, no desire troduced early last session; and one of had been expressed on the part of the its great benefits would be, that this public, that the bank should forego any country would be relieved from a consi- part of its privileges. About that period, derable annual burthen. It was, after all, however, the trade, manufactures, and a mere question of sale; and we were not commerce of the country had so greatly bound to sell more than we could get a increased, as to induce a wish that they good price for. The purchasers were should forego some peculiar advantages bound to colonise it, and to make good which they had hitherto enjoyed. roads. Many persons of consequence agreement was, in consequence, entered: residents in Canada, were parties to the into between the Bank and the Treasury, measure. Many members of the Canadian by which the public was relieved from the législature, who had been examined with monopoly. Until last session, however, no respect to it, were perfectly satisfied; and attempt was made to take advantage of calculated that it would produce all the the agreement of 1821. It was not his inbeneficial consequences that had been an- tention to contravene this agreement. The ticipated. He must here be allowed to most convenient way would be, to permit say a few words in answer to an attack him to bring in the bill, and then the Bank that had been made against the Colonial and the other parties interested, would have department, by the hon. member for a fair opportunity of stating their objecAberdeen. Could the hon. member, from tions. There was more capital in Irehis own knowledge, speak as to the merits land than people were generally aware of. of any of the facts which he had advan- Many millions had been lately transferred ced? If he could not, he had no right to there from this country, and the exports come forward with such direct charges. of last year amounted to no less than He could not conceive on what authority 14,000,000l. No further proof was wanthe had made his statements. The hon. ing of the necessity of increased facilities member was bound, in justice to his own in the banking business. character, after dealing in such sweeping generalities, to come forward with some charge, on which he might be specifically met. The noble earl at the head of the Colonial department deserved the thanks of the House and the country; and the removal of the restrictions upon trade, as well as the just principle of colonization which were now acted on-entitled that office to approbation; and ought to be sufficient to protect them from the unfounded charges of the hon. gentleman.

Mr. Hume appealed to the House, whether he had not brought forward specific motions from year to year, instead of indulging in idle declamations.

The bill was then brought in, and read the first time.

IRISH BANKERS CO-PARTNERSHIPS BILL.] Sir George Hill rose, pursuant to notice, for the purpose of moving for leave to bring in a bill to render more effectual the provisions of an act passed last session to amend the 21st of Geo. II. relative to Co-partnerships in Banks in Ireland. As he did not expect any opposition to the measure, he should content himself with making a few observations. The Bank of Ireland was established in 1781, and

Mr. Dawson said, he could not omit that opportunity of expressing his conviction of the importance of the proposed measure. He had himself presented no less than six petitions, praying the protection and countenance of the House for the establishment of provincial banks in Ireland. No subject had, for some time back, more completely engrossed the attention of the people of Ireland than this. All parties, Protestant and Catholic, were only of one opinion; and that opinion was founded not alone in the advantages expected from an improved system, but in dire experience of the great mischiefs occasioned by the failure of the banks in the south and south-west of Ireland some few years back. These establishments, hitherto, were founded on principles subversive of public credit and of national prosperity. It was necessary, therefore, that parliament should step forward to oppose some check to so great an evil. So great was the want of confidence occasioned by the frequent failure of private banks, that they had almost totally disap peared. There were not, throughout the four provinces, more he believed, than ten. In England the number of private banks was 530, and in Scotland 128. To these

hoped all these circumstances would be remembered, and that they would induce parliament to look more narrowly into the policy of granting such monopolies. He could offer no opinion on the measure now proposed, not being acquainted with the details; but, as far as it went, he believed it would be useful. In consequence of the system lately pursued, the number of banks in Ireland had been greatly reduced, and the trade of the country had suffered in proportion to that reduction. He would ask the chancellor of the Exchequer, how far he considered it expedient to keep the law of England different from the law of Ireland with respect to banking regulations? For himself, he could not understand why one system was to be continued in Ireland and another in England. He trusted that on the present occasion, the House of Commons would act with that consideration for the general welfare of Ireland, which the situation of that country demanded, and not allow themselves to be swayed by any private or partial feelings, in favour of any body of persons, however privately respectable they might be.

[1042 establishments the prosperity of Scotland | applied for a renewal of their charter, he was in a great measure attributed; and he wished, therefore, to see the joint-stock principle introduced into Ireland. It could not fail to operate as a powerful encouragement to the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests. It was by no means his wish to trench on the just privileges of the Bank of Ireland; but that establishment must not expect too much from the country: they must not suppose that commerce, trade, and manu. factures, were to be sacrificed by a too close adherence to the technicalities of the law. He did not think that their conduct merited so great a sacrifice. When the utmost distress prevailed in Ireland, the Bank did not come forward as they should have done: they made no efforts to relieve the country from the difficulties which weighed it down. It was but lately they had begun to adopt a more liberal manner of conducting business. They did not reduce their discounts last year, until after he had given notice of his motion. It was only since that time they had begun to turn their thoughts to the establishment of provincial branches of their own concern. Every thing they had done, conducive to the advantage of the country, had been extorted from them, by the fear of losing some of the advantages they enjoyed. The measure proposed by his right hon. friend would prove a substantial benefit to Ireland. It was only by removing such monopolies that she could enjoy all the advantages of the Union. He trusted, the chancellor of the Exchequer would see how beneficial the measure was likely to prove. The encouragement that would thus be given to manufactures and commerce could not fail to improve the Exchequer; and by that means, in connexion with the effects arising from liberal commercial principles, enable him further to relieve the burthens of the country. It was not a false prediction to assert, that not one representative from the country, except perhaps his interests were involved in the Bank of Ireland, would oppose the establishment of provincial banks, or be merely lukewarm in supporting the principle.

Sir H. Parnell said, the conduct of the Bank of Ireland had not been such as to induce any gentleman to be backward in expressing his opinion. Their conduct had been improper, and inconsistent with that which they ought to have pursued for the interests of the country. Whenever they VOL. XII.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he was as sensible as any man could be, of the imperfect state of the present banking system in Ireland, and no one was more anxious than himself, that a revision of that system should take place. He was most anxious to afford any assistance in his power for the attainment of that object, and he assured the hon. baronet, that in affording that assistance, he would not allow himself to be acted upon by any partiality for any body of persons. In truth he felt none. He was only anxious that, in introducing any measure of this description, they should avoid trenching upon, or in any way violating the charter and compact held by the Bank of Ireland. That charter and that compact he could not allow himself to violate, either directly or indirectly, without the most solid and sufficient grounds. He was the more anxious to be clear upon this point, as his hon. friend (Mr. Dawson) appeared to hint that the conduct of the Bank of Ireland, not being what he wished it, that body might be treated in a manner different from that to which a different line of conduct would entitle them. With his statement he could not agree. It might be that the Bank of Ireland did that which many other bodies had done, namely, look

3 X

to its own interests without consulting the interests of the public; but this was no reason why it should be deprived of its privileges. If it was shewn to him that the Bank of Ireland had acted contrary to the objects for which it was instituted; if it was shewn to him that that body had violated its charter; then he would say that it would be right to consult the general interest of the country, without taking that body, or the compact entered into with it, at all into consideration. But, such was not the fact; at least they had no evidence of that fact before them, and therefore they were bound to give all parties fair play and an impartial hearing. Anxious as he was to support any measure which had for its object the improvement of the trade and commerce of Ireland, he, nevertheless, could not consent to any measure which went in direct violation of a charter-right. He could not think it would be advantageous to adopt any such measure under circumstances which would neither be beneficial to the public nor creditable to the legislature.

Mr. Spring Rice concurred with the chancellor of the Exchequer in thinking, that if there was any thing in the terms cf the charter of the Bank of Ireland to preclude the introduction into parliament of this or any similar bill, the fact of there being such a condition would of itself be a valid objection to the present motion. But, when the right hon. gentleman adverted to considerations of an equitable nature in favour of the Bank, he must beg leave to quote a principle that he had often heard contended for, and that was, that whenever a party set up an equitable construction, he must come into court with clean hands, by showing that he had done his best to fulfil the expressed conditions of the contract. But, up to a very late period, what had been the conduct of the Bank of Ireland? It had been, to refuse those advances or accommodations, without which business must always languish, however unexceptionable might be the security tendered, unless the parties concerned happened to be engaged in the trade of Dublin itself. If they belonged to Cork, for example, or any of the southern districts, however highly respectable they might be, the parties must establish an agency in Dublin, before they could obtain any such advances. Now, the Bank of Ireland did no business at all of this kind under 5 per cent.; the charge of the Dublin agency was about one per cent. more

and, what with postages, brokerage, &c., the accommodation to such parties could only be obtained at the rate of nearly 7 per cent. It was the jealousy which the Bank of Ireland felt of the introduction of English capital and capitalists into Ireland, that alone induced it to take any adverse steps to such a measure as this. As to English capital, he did not augur all the benefits which the hon. gentleman anticipated from its introduction, so much as he looked forward to the happiest results from the circumstance of that English capital being to be managed by English capitalists. That circumstance would introduce into Ireland those habits of good faith, regularity, and punctuality in bu siness, which its commercial transactions did at present so much want. Upon this principle it was, that he felt chiefly induced to give his vote for the measure.

Mr. Trant rose to state a fact that had occurred not long ago, which went to prove how necessary some measure of this nature had become. A relation of his had a few hundred pounds to remit to England. He happened to reside a hundred miles from Dublin; and there being no private bank between him and that capital, through which he could remit the money, he was absolutely obliged to travel thither with it in his own pocket.

Mr. M. Fitzgerald expressed his approbation of the measure. When the Banks failed in 1817 in the south of Ireland, the Bank of Ireland made no exertion to alleviate the distress that followed. They were deaf to the application of many country bankers, who offered good and solid security, though it was not of such a nature as to be immediately convertible. The establishment of Joint-Stock Banking companies could not interfere with their charter; for it was proposed to establish them only in those parts which the Bank seemed to think entirely out of their province. They discounted no paper from the province of Munster, or from any part of Ireland, unless indorsed by a person resident in Dublin. They were told of the capital that existed in Dublin. If there was capital there, it was certainlythe most inert capital he ever heard of. It shewed no life until this measure had been suggested; and then, all of a sudden, they heard of some charitable intentions on the part of the Bank towards the south of Ireland. Nothing could be more advantageous than the introduction of English capital. There was not at present