in my hand, which I found to be excellent fresh water. About the latter end of January the rainy season begins in this neighbourhood, and continues until the middle of April. About the latter end of May the lake is quite dry, and in June the whole surface is covered with a cake of salt, about one-third of an inch thick, which appears like ice, when hundreds of people are employed to collect it, and send it to Aleppo and other cities and towns in Syria, as far as Damascus. It is the property of the pasha of Aleppo, who has officers on the spot, who see it collected, and sell it by weight. We are accustomed to the ceremonies used by our sailors on passing the Line, when they summon the Deity of the ocean, himself, to their levée: we cannot expect that a river should give occasion to equal sumptuosity: but that the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris should be announced by a ceremony of some kind, and perhaps derived from antiquity, too, is by no means unreasonable. It is thus described by Mr. P. At five in the afternoon, we arrived at Korna, a large town situated on the extreme point of Mesopotamia, so as to be on the banks of both Euphrates and Tigris; the point facing the great Arabian river (so called from the union of both at this place). On this point the custom-house is built, where we were ordered to make fast our ress. It is a most delightful situation, and the Turks verily believe that this is the spot where the paradise of our first parents was situated. The head of our vessel was in the Tigris, the stern in the Euphrates, and the middle in the great river where the two former united, as the point of land where we had fastened our vessel was only forty-five feet long, and our vessel was full eighty feet The land hitherto called Chaldea, opposite to this point, is called Arabia, so that the head of our vessel looks towards Persia, the stern to Arabia, and one side of it touches the banks of the extremity of Mesopotamia, from and to which we passed, by a plank from the gunwale of our vessel. This point is reckoned to be from Helah about one hundred and eighty English leagues, and from Bussora, to which we were sailing, about thirty leagues. From Bussora creek, to the place where this great river falls into the Persan gulph, is said to be nearly forty leagues. It is worthy of remark, that all the way from Helah no Arabs dwell on the Mesopotamian shore, nor are there any Turkish dwellings on the Chaldean shore. The great fiver at this point of Korua, seems to be about one mile broad. At this place a ceremony is usually performed first a sailor, at the head of the vessel, draws up water from the Tigris, which is presented to the captain and the passengers in cups; then another from the stern draws up water, which is presented as the former, this being the water of the Euphrates. Then a third draws up water from the side in the middle of the vessel, which is that of the two rivers united; of all these three every one drinks, as a novelty. Two plates are then handed round, and every one gives a present, by which method the poor fellows (who had worked so hard in tracking and rowing hitherto), collected eighty-five Turkish piastres. about ten pounds twelve shillings and sixpence, for which they they well deserved it, as they toiled as hard as were very thankful, and highly satisfied: ever I saw men do, and that very cheerfully. The inhabitants of Bussora in April 1773, were computed at upwards of 300,000 in September following they amounted to about 50,000. The number that had escaped by flight was about 20,000; the rest had fallen victims to pestilence! A remarkable phenomenon, which could only have appeared where a desert furnished abundance of sand, is described by our author, as happening at Bus sora. Such a visitation might easily overwhelm an army, if passing in the proper direction for meeting it: and it contributes to justify the account given by Mr. Bruce of the pillars of sand that he saw in the desert of Libya; which some have suspected of exaggeration, and for which see Panorama, Vol. I. p. 1202. March the 15th. At four this afternoon, the sun then shining bright, a total darkness commenced in an instant, when a dreadful consternation seized every person in the city, the people running backward and forward in the streets, tumbling over one another, quite distracted, while those in the houses ran out. in amazement, doubting whether it were an eclipse, or the end of the world. Soon after the black cloud which had caused this total darkness approached near the city, preceded by as hond a noise as I ever heard in the greatest storm, this was succeeded by such a violent whirlwind, mixed with dust, that no man in the streets could stand upon his legs; happy were those who could find, or had already obtained, shelter, whilst those who vere not so fortunate were obliged to throw themselves down on the spot, were they ran great risk of being suffocated, as the wind sted full twenty minutes, and the total darkness half an hour. The dust was so subtile, and the hurricane so furious, that every room in the British factory was covered with it, notwithstanding we had the precaution to shut the doors and windows on the first appearance of the darkness, and to light candles. At half-past-five the cloud had passed the city, the sun instantly shone out, no wind was to be heard, nor dust felt, but all was quite serene and calm again, when all of us in the factory went on the terrace, and observed the cloud had entirely passed over the river, and was then in Persia, where it seemed to cover full thirty miles in breadth on the land, but how far in length could not be even guessed at; it flew along at an amazing rate, yet was half an hour in passing over the city. It came from the north-west, and went strait forward to the south-east. The officers of the Company's cruizers came on shore as soon as the cloud had passed their ships, and declared that the wind was so violent, and the dust so penetrating, that no man could stand upon the decks; and that after it was over, every place below, on board the ships, was covered with dust. Such a phenomenon never was known before, in the memory of the oldest man now living at Bussora. Mr. P.'s descriptions of the towns on the coast of Malabar as they were in his time is faithful. The late acquisitions of the English East India Company have varied the relative importance of most of them, no less than their general appearance. Egypt has been the theme of many writers in consequence of the popularity it acquired under the events it witnessed after the invasion of Buonaparte, and his profession of Islamism, made there: what Mr. P. relates concerning that country may pass equally free from censure and panegyric. His account of the construction of the mound at the entrance of the kalish of the Nile, with the breaking of it down, is recommended by more than usual particularity. The following account of Mr. Parsons and his work is prefixed to the volume. Mr. Abraham Parsons was originally bred to the navy, in which his father was a captain. In the earlier part of his life he commanded different vessels in the merchant service, during which period he visited several parts of the globe; a pursuit particularly adapted to the turn of a mind naturally fond of novelty, and remarkably inquisitive. When he quitted the sea he carried on considerable commerce as a merchant in Bristol, which, not being attended with the desired success, after some years, he was obliged to relinquish. After this he was, in the year 1767, appointed by the Turkey company, consul and factor-marine at Scanderoon, in Asiatic Turkey; a situation which, after a residence of six years, he was obliged, from the unhealthiness of the country, to resign, when he commenced a voyage of commercial speculation; the narrative of which is contained in these pages. Soon after the conclusion of this tour he retired to Leghorn, where he died in the year 1785. The only liberty which the editor has taken with the narrative has been confined to the correction of verbal or grammatical inaccuracies, and in some very few instances to the altering of the arrangement of sentences, which in the original appeared rather obscure. Though much has been done, the editor is aware, that, if further opportunity had been afforded him, much more might have been effected. He has been severely scrupulous not to alter the simplicity of the original composition, and, aware that the first duty imposed on him was fidelity, he has been peculiarly solicitous neither to add to nor diminish from any circumstance or description in the narrative: he has preserved it in its native form, as far as was possible, conscious that rhetorical ornaments were not to be expected in a writer, who, from the nature of his education, must necessarily be unac quainted with the elegancies of composi tron. The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament. By Thomas Clarkson, M. A. 2 Vols. 8vo. pp. 1164. Price £1. 18. London, Longman and Co. 1808. CERTAINLY, the Slave Trade, as conducted by the merchants, and in the ships of this island, was a disgrace to human nature, a reproach to the name of Briton, and to the profession of Christianity. But this censure does not attach to those masters who conscientiously endeavoured to discharge their duty towards their slaves, as they expected their slaves should discharge their duty towards them. The state of national character, than the existence of the trade had been derogatory from it; because, actions grounded upon knowledge are more truly illustrative of disposition than sufferances admitted without discrimination during a time of ignorance. We presume, also, that what has taken place, after so thorough an examination, is completely and eternally settled: and this alone is no inconsiderable advantage derived from apparent delay. Mr. Clarkson, who was a leading instrument in removing this opprobrium from our country, has drawn up a history of the proceedings for this purpose. His own labours and uncom domestic servitude, or slavery, infers | features very distinct from that of servitude, or slavery, for the purposes of traffic; and the accidental loss of liberty by misfortune differs essentially from premeditated and extensive ravages, to obtain men as plunder; those wholesale dealings in human sufferings, for which avarice gave the signal, and of which cruelty reaped the profit. If the Slave Trade never had existed, who would now desire its institution? Who would now regret that among the imports and exports of Britain, slaves were not included, as they once were, even in our own island? For history relates, that anciently, the per-mon exertions form no inconsiderable part sons of Britons were articles of commerce, and a trade in slaves was carried on between England and Ireland. Happier times have been reserved for us! We have not only seen the shackles drop off from the limbs of the enthralled, the moment his foot trod on British ground, but we have seen the interposition of humanity and policy in behalf of our fellow-men, crowned with a success far beyond what we once had dared to anticipate, even when most inclined to selfflattery on the subject. And we are persuaded that the length of time, during which the abolition was under investigation, has been and will continue to be, of the greatest practical importance. For we are not to arraign the nation as being knowingly a partaker in the crimes of this trade. An acquaintance with those enormities was confined to a few; they were not surmised by any considerable portion of the British people; and, indeed, the extent of the evil was not so much as suspected, much less understood. The number of slaves purchased by our colonies was less considerable formerly than of late years, and the -rapid increase of the mischief was rather a surprise on the unsuspecting, than tolerated or encouraged, after due examination and cognizance. When the subject was fairly before the public, and the evidence on both sides of the question had been weighed, opinion gradually experienced a change, and ripened to a determination, by the influence of conviction. Even adherents to the trade participated in the feeling of the public mind, and acknowledged themselves to be overcome by truth. The abolition, then, being the result of conviction, was more honourable to our of these volumes: the speeches in parliament of several friends to the cause form another part, and the perseverance of the committee, who might have adopted the motto "faint yet pursuing," is displayed at large. It appears from Mr. C.'s account, that certain members of the society of Quakers had the honour of first bearing their testimony" against the state of slavery: that the same society produced those practical philanthropists, also, who first ceased to receive their fellow-men as property, and gave liberty to Africans whom they might have retained as slaves; and that that society was the first public body which forbad the holding of slaves, to its members. Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Wesley, and other considerate men, contributed to forward the good work, and by degrees the friends to the abolition became acquainted with each other, formed connections, established a society, took regular measures, introduced the subject before the privy council, and then before parliament, where they were supported both by the minister and his opponent, who, on this occasion, were seen fighting together in the same rank, and supporting each other's arguments against prolonged opposition. We cannot follow the writer into particulars, but shall state, in general terms, that his narrative commences with the year 1503, when Negroes were first sent as slaves from the Portuguese settlements in Africa to the Spanish colonies in America; that it appears, that the sovereigns, who first tolerated the trade, entertained scruples concerning it, as well Charles the fifth and Pope Leo X, as our own Elizabeth. After them, eminent men of various classes expressed their dissatisfaction with this traffic; and the opinion obtained till 1729, that certainly baptized persons could not be held as slaves. In that year, the attorney and solicitor-general (Yorke and Talbot) declared, that in their opinion a master's property in his slave was permanent, and this authority was considered as law, till Mr. Granville Sharp, the extent of whose benevolence will only be known when disclosed by the celestial registers of deeds done on earth, studied the law for himself, and succeeded in establishing the principle of " no property in a fellow-man in England." We well remember the famous case of Somerset, which was argued at three different sittings in 1772; with the satisfaction afforded by its decision in favour of liberty. Mr. S. has lived to see the close of his labours so happily begun, and to triumph over all fear of the return of those calamities which he had been a principal in removing. Mr. C. gives us a Map of the names of those who contributed to the general purpose. Among the supporters of the cause in parliament are enumerated many of our greatest statesnien; Mr. Wilberforce is particularly conspicuous. Mr. Fox is described as equally fervent, and Mr. Pitt's sincerity is affirmed by our author in the most explicit terms. We deem it an act of justice to that departed minister to insert Mr. C's. vindication of his character. We place first his ignorance of the general conduct of the trade; and this ignorance of the minister justifies the account we have given of that of the nation. The doubts of Mr. Pitt mark the man of understanding. second circumstang of the truth of which he doubted, was the mortality and usage of seamen in this trade; and a third was the statement, by which so much had been made and abilities of her people; for he seemed at of the riches of Africa, and of the genius a loss to comprehend, if these things were so, how it had happened that they should not have been more generally noticed before. I promised to satisfy him upon these points, and an interview was fixed for this purpose the next day. Mr. Pitt examined for himself: and admitted conviction from evidence. Mr. Pitt died in January, 1806. I shall stop therefore to make a few observations upon his character, as it related to this cause. This I feel myself bound in justice to do, because his sincerity towards it has been generally questioned, The way, in which Mr. Pitt became acquainted with this question, has already been explained. A few doubts having been removed, when it was first started, he professed himself a friend to the abolition. The first proof, which he gave of his friendship to it is known but to few; but it is, nevertheless, true, that so early as in 1788, he occasioned a communication to be made to the French government, in which he recommended an union of the two countries for the promotion of the great measure. proposition seemed to be then new and strange to the court of France; and the answer was not favourable, This From this time his efforts were reduced within the boundaries of his own power. As far, however, as he had scope, he exerted them. If we look at him in his parliamentary capacity, it must be acknowledged by all, that he took an active, strenuous, and consistent part, and this, year after year, by which he realized his professions. In my own private communications with him, which were frequent, he never failed to give proofs of a similar disposition. I had always free access to him. I had no previous note or letter to write for admission. Whatever papers I My first business in London was to hold a conversation with Mr. Pitt previously to the meeting of the council, and to try to inrest him, as the first minister of state, in our favour. For this purpose Mr. Wilberforce had opened the way for me, and an interview took place. We were in free conver-wanted, he ordered. He exhibited also, in sation together for a considerable time, during his conversation with me on these occasions, which we went through most of the branch- marks of a more than ordinary interest in the es of the subject. Mr. Pitt appeared to me welfare of the cause. Among the subjects, to have but little knowledge of it. He had which were then started, there was one also his doubts, which he expressed openly, which was always near his heart. This was on many points. He was at a loss to conceive the civilization of Africa. He looked upon how private interest should not always restrain this great work as a debt due to that contithe master of the slave from abusing him. nent for the many injuries we had inflicted This matter I explained to him as well as I upon it and had e abolition succeeded could; and if he was not entirely satisfied sooner, as in the infancy of his exertions le with my interpretation of it, he was at least had hoped, I know he had a plan, suited no induced to believe that cruel practices were doubt to the capaciousness of his own mind, more probable than he had imagined. Afor such establishments in Africa, as he cou ceived would promote in due time this important end. I believe it will be said, notwithstanding what I have advanced, that if Mr. Pitt had exerted himself as the minister of the country in behalf of the abolition, he could have carried it. This brings the matter to an issue; for unquestionably the charge of insincerity, as it related to this great question, arose from the mistaken notion, that, as his measures in parliament were supported by great majorities, he could do as he pleased there. But, they who hold this opinion, must be informed, that there were great difficulties, against which he had to struggle on this subject. The Lord Chancellor Thurlow ran counter to his wishes almost at the very outset. Lord Liverpool and Mr. Dundas did the same. Thus, to go no further, three of the most powerful members of the cabinet were in direct opposition to him. The abolition then, amidst this difference of opinion, could never become a cabinet measure; but if so, then all his parliamentary efforts in this case wanted their usual authority, and he could only exert his influence as a private man. This he did with great effect on one or two occasions. On the motion of Mr. Cawthorne in 1791, the cause hung as it were by a thread; and would have failed that day, to my knowledge, but for his seasonable exertions. cause there, to the duke de la Rochefou cauld, the Marquis de Condorcet, Messieurs Petiou de Villeneuve, Claviere, and Brissot, and to the Marquis de la Fayette. The first public steps taken after my arrival in Paris were at a committee of the Friends of the Negroes which was but thinly attended. None of those mentioned, except Brissot, were present. It was resolved there, that the committee should solicit an audience of Mr. Necker; and that I should wait upon him, accompanied by a deputation consisting of the Marquis de Condorcet, Monsieur de Bourge, and Brissot de Warville: secondly, that the committee should write to the president of the National Assembly, and request the favour of him to appoint a day for hearing the cause of the Negroes; and, thirdly, that it should be recommended to the committee in London to draw up a petition to the National Assembly of France, praying for the abolition of the Slave trade by that country. This petition, it was observed, was to be signed by as great a number of the friends to the cause in England, as could be procured. It was then to be sent to the committee at Paris, who would take it in a body to the place of its destination. I found great delicacy as a stranger in making my observations upon these resolutions, and yet I thought I ought not to pass them But a difficulty, still more insuperable, over wholly in silence, but particularly the presented itself, in an occurrence which took last. I therefore rose up, and stated that place in the year 1791, but which is much there was one resolution, of which I did not too delicate to be mentioned. The explana- quite see the propriety. But this might arise tion of it, however, would convince the reafrom my ignorance of the customs, as well der, that all the efforts of Mr. Pitt from that as of the genius and spirit of the French peo day were rendered useless, I mean as to bring-ple. It struck me that an application from a ing the question, as a minister of state, to a favourable issue. But though Mr. Pitt did not carry this great question, he was yet one of the greatest supporters of it. He fostered it in its infancy. If, in his public situation, he had then set his face against it, where would have been our hope? He upheld it also in its childhood; and though in this state of its existence it did not gain from his protection all the strength which it was expected it would have acquired, he yet kept it from falling, till his successors, in whose administration a greater number of favourable circumstances concurred to give it vigour, brought it to triumphant maturity. This incidental mention of the French government leads us to remark that Mr. C. visited France with the design of interesting that country in favour of the abolition, and his account of that excursion we consider as among the most noticeable con tents of his volumes. I was introduced as quickly as possible, Sen my arrival at Paris, to the friends of the little committee in England to the National Assembly of France was not a dignified measure, nor was it likely to have weight with such a body. It was, besides, contrary to all the habits of propriety, in which I had been educated. The British Parliament did not usually receive petitions from the subjects of other nations. It was this feeling, which had induced me thus to speak. This snare, for as such we consider it, the British feelings of our author happily enabled him to avoid; and the committee in London afterwards sent a positive refusal to the proposal. Mr. C. staid several months in France, and did-nothing. It is true, he was the means of interesting good king Louis in behalf of the negroes; he was favoured by Mr. Necker,by Mirabeau, and by other eminent men; bat the turbulence of the time (it was the autumin and winter of 1789) rendered every effort unavailable. While at Paris he met with the deputies from the People of Colour in St. Domingo, |