LINES TO A YOUNG LADY, ON HER RECOVERY FROM INDISPOSITION.

Sprung from the bed of pale disease,

Safe from the Fiend's embrace,
Louisa, on thy virtuous brow

The glow of health we trace.
We trace, and thank the Power divine,
Whose hand supreme we see,

Thro' the vicissitude of life

Has kindly guided thee.

May that same Power, as years revolve,
Protect thee with his eye:

Thy lengthen'd days delighted speed,
Without a heaving sigh.

Yet should affliction's woe return
And pain thy guileless heart,
May resignation's soothing balm

The antidote impart.

May friendship wipe with pitying hand,
The tear which dews thine eyes,
And virtue lift thy thoughts from earth
To mansions in the skies.

THE LANDSCAPE.

S. R.

How pleas'd within my native bowers,

Ere while I passed the day;

Was ever scene so decked with flowers,
Were ever flowers so gay?

How sweetly smil'd the hill, the vale,
And all the landscape round,
The river gliding down the dale,

The hill with bushes crown'd.
But now when urged by tender woes,
I speed to meet my dear;

That hill and stream my zeal oppose,

And check my fond career.

No more, since Daphne was my theme,
Their wonted charms I see;

That verdant hill, and silver stream,
Divide my love and me,

J. W.

TO VAINE HOPE. Thou dreame of madmen, ever changing gale, 'Swell with thy wanton breath the gaudie saile, Of glorious fooles! Thou guid'st them who thee

court

To rocks, to quick-sands, or some faithlesse port.
Were I not mad, who, when secure at ease
I might i'th' cabin passe the raging seas,
Would, like a franticke ship-boy, wildly haste
To climbe the giddy top of th' unsafe mast?
Ambition never to her hopes did faine

A greatnesse but I really obtaine

In my Castara. Were't not fondnesse then
To clip the shadowes of true blisse ? · And when
My Paradise all flowres and fruits doth breed,
To rob a barren garden for a weed?

Habington's Castara, edit. 4to. 1634, p. 67.

POLITICAL PERISCOPE.

PROTEST OF HIS HOLINESS THE POPE AGAINST BUONAPARTE.

To Signor Cavaliero Aldini, Chargé d'Affaires of the Kingdom of Italy.

From the Quirinal Palace, May 19, 1808.His Holiness having received the painful notification of the union which is about to take, place, of his four duchies of Urbino, Macerato, Ancona, and Camerino, with the kingdom of Italy, amid the cruel uneasiness which this rigorous treatment causes him, has charged the Cardinal Gabrielli, Pro-Secretary of State, to make the following frank declaration to your Most Ilustrious Highness.

The Holy Father has seen, with infinite pain, that the force of the reasons contained in the note of the 19th of April, addressed to M. Lefebvre, the Chargé D'Affaires, has not prevented his Imperial and Royal Majesty from putting his threats in execution. He has seen, with the same feelings, that this powerful Monarch, in whose hands he placed, at the altar, the scoptre, and the rod of justice, has proceeded, contrary to every species of right, to inflict upon him a new spoliation of the best part of the states which remained to him.

But what has been the astonishment of his Holiness in observing a decree, dated one day anterior to the note of M. Champagny; so that even before that minister had renewed his propositions and received an answer, the fate of the three usurped provinces was already decided!

The astonishment of the Holy Father was still farther augmented, when he saw it assigned as a legitimate cause of this spoliat on, that he had constantly refused to make war upon England, and to confederate with the Kings of Naples and of Italy. iHowever, his Holiness had never ceased to represent, that his sacred character of Minister of Peace the God, whose representative he is upon earth, being the God of Peace-that his quality of universal Pastor, and of the common Father of all the Faithful-that the holy Laws of justice, of which, as the representative of the God who is their source, he ought to be the guardian and the avenger-could never perrait him to enter into a permaneat system of war, and much less still to declare war, without any mo tive, against the British government, from which he had never received the slightest offence. However, the Holy Father conjured his Majesty to r2flect, that not having, and not being in the capacity of having enemies, because he is the Vicar of Jesus Christ, who came into the world not to foment, but to destroy animosities, he could not bind himself and his successors, in, perpetuity, as the Emperor wished, to make war for the quarrels of another.

Catholic Sovereign, and of binding himself to mase war upon bim. But all the representations, and all the reasons so frequently submitted to his Majesty with paternal mildness, have not produced the least impression.

It has been sought to justify the spoliation upon another pretext, by assigning, as the second motive which produced it, that the invests of the two kingdoms, and of the two ates of Italy and Naples, demanded that their communications should not be interrupted by a hostile power.

If by this power is meant to be understood England, the history of almost two centuries will shew the falsity of this specious pretence. The Catholic Princes of Spain, and of the House of Austria, from the Emperor Charles V. to Charles II. of Spain, possessed the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan, which forms at present the principal part of the kingdom of Italy, and they never perceived that their interests were compromised; they never experienced this pretended obstacle to the communication of their armies. They were frequently at war with Great Britain, and still oftener with France, but they were never apprehensive of an intermediate debarkation upon the territory of the Holy See; still less did they pretend to force the Pontiffs of that period to unite and confederate with them, or to despoil them of their possessions, should they have refused.

But putting history aside, what risks could the interests of these separated kingdoms even run? The neutrality of the Holy Father, recognised and respected by all other Powers, and the measures taken to prevent its violation, are more than sufficient to place these interests in security.

To render this security still greater, and to take away every suit of pretext, his Holiness carried his compliance as far as he consistently could; he deciated himself disposed to shut his ports against the English during the present war, and to employ his troops to guard the coasts of his states from every hostility whatever.

But what attack could be dreaded upon these two kingdoms, which border upon the states of the Holy See, while French troops, for so long a period, without regard to the interests of the public or of individuals, have violated his neutrality, occupied all his ports, and covered all his coasts?

If, however, by a hostile power, it was wished to designate the person of the Holy Father, his character itself, mild and pacific, puts an end to this pious imputation; but the better to refute it, his Holiness calls to witness the French empire and the kingdom of Italy, in favour of which he signed two Concordats, whose violation has been the source of perpetual grief to his heart, in having constantly, but in vain, pressed their faithful execution. He calls Europe itself to witness, which has seen him, in his old age, in the most rigorous season of the year, traverse the

the jealousy and disgust of other great Powers, in order to consecrate and crown his Imperial and Royal Majesty. He calls to witness the whole French troops, from the commander to the meanest soldier, either those who have traversed the states of the Holy See, or those who have resided there, whether they have not ex

perienced in the Papal territory a reception the most friendly, and a hospitality the most geners:-a hospitality which cost bitter tears to the Holy Father, who was indispensably obliged to load his subjects with imposts for the maintenance and payment of the French troops; in short, his Holiness calls to witness his Majesty himself, for whom he has not ceased, on all occasions, to testify the most particular regards.

But it his Holiness were able to testify the surprize excited by the two first articles advanced to justify this spoliation, he wants words in express te profound astonishment produced by the expressions contained in the third. It bears upon the donation of Charlemagne, and it is remarked, that that was made for the beneat of Christianity, and nor the advantage of the enemies of our holy religion. It is well known that this celcbrated and glorious monarch, whose memory will be eternally blessed by the church, did not give to the Holy See the provinces winch have been usurped. It is notorious that they were, at an epoch very remote from his age, in the possession of the Roman Pontiffs, in consequence of the voluntary submission of the people, who were abandoned by the Emperors of the East; that the Lombards having afterwards occupied the Exarchat of Ravenna and the Pentapolis, which include these provinces, Pepin, the illustrious and ligious tather of Charlemagne, recovered them, and restored them to Pope Stephen; that that great Emperor, who was the honour and admiration of the 8th century, far from wishing to revoke the generous and pious donation of his father, approved and confirmed it under Pope Adrian; that far from wishing to strip the Roman Church of her pussessions, he had no other intention than to secure and aggrandise them; that consequently in his will he laid an express obligation on his three sons, to protect the states of the church with their arms; that he reserved to his successors nd right of revoking that which his father Pepin had done for the advantage of the chair of St. Peter; that h's sole design was to protect the Roman Pontiffs against their enemies, and not to compel them to exerte enemies; that ten centuries which have passed away since the days of Charlemagne, a thousand years of peaceable possession, render uscles all more ancient investigations and all ulterior interpretations; that even if that pious Prince had, instead of a free restitution or gift of these territories, restored or given them for the profit of Christianity, it is exactly for the welfare of Christianity, or, to speak more strictly, of the Carole Religion, that the Holy Father wishes peace with all the world, avoids to revoke the resentment of any power, and refuses to interfere in political quarrels. After so many voices have been rased against different Popes, who have, for the best reasons, engaged in wars, the Holy Father cannot perceive why it can be attributed to him as a crime that he refused to assume a warlike character, and, at the suggestion of a foreign' power, commence a war without any provocation, and which must be highly prejudicial to religion and his subjects.

Ha Holiness cannot on any account overlook the jury wachs done him in the before-mentioned deerce, wherein it is remarked, "that the gift of Charlemagne was not made for the be

"nefit of the enemies of our holy religion; "there by accusing his Holiness of betraying the interests of the church. This accusation has made a lively impression on the mind of his Holiness, who for upwards of three years has been suffering persecu tion in behalf of religion, and for having acted FAITHFULLY in his Apostolic capacity. He has suttered it, that he might not implicate himself in a permanent system of warfare, and that he might not, by his conduct, obstruct the free exercise of the Catholic worship.

His Holiness hath submitted to it, because he could not adrait the principles which were frequently intimated to him, which were, that if his Holiness was Bishop of Rome, his Majesty was, notwithstanding, the emperor of it, and that the Poly Father ought to submit to him in temporal. matters in the same manner as his Majesty submitted to his Holiness in religious matters;. that the territories of the Holy See appertained to the French empire, and that therefore the Pope sught always to make common cause with the Emperor and his successors; that. he ought at all times to consider the enemies of France as his own, and that he ought by consequence to become a part of the Federative system of the Empire.

The solemn oaths which the holy father hath made to obtain his liberty and independence, so essential to the Catholic religion and the free exercise of his supreme spiritual power, do not allow him to subscribe to those destructive and fatal maxims. His Holiness suffers this persecution, because he would not consent to the pretensions of his Majesty to nominate as many French cardinals as should form one-third of the Sacred College, which must have sapped the fundamental base of its constitution, attacked the independence of his spirtual power, and again introduced those unhappy disasters which the church still deplores. His Holiness suffers, because he would not enter into an offensive and defensive league against any power in Europe, Catholic or otherwise, to the manifest injury of religion If this refusal implies an abandonment of religion, let heaven, the church, the work, and posterity judge. The Holy Father hath the mest conscientious reflection, that he never did any injury to his Majesty, or to France; but if his Majesty actually had any complain's against his Holiness personally, that would not justify him in resenting them on the Catholic church,. by irrevocably and for ever robbing it of that very property which the same decree declares to have been bestowed for the good of Christianity, nor to rub that church, which is not the proprietor. more than the Fontiff, who is only the guardian of it. That church having the spiritual superi tendance of every other, hath, since the peace of Constantine, been enriched by the piety of monarchs and people, and hath, by an admirable ore der of Providence, first accumulated considerable property, and afterwards diferent states, that it | might maintain spiritual government with more decency, liberty, and advantage--this very church which his Majesty would reduce to a state of degradation, and incapacity of exercising its divine supremacy.

lis Holiness cannot sufficiently regret the erfor into which his Majesty hath fallen, since, in his decree, whereby he deprives the Holy See of a