man would accept the land on the former, nor any wife government give it on the latter... We do not at all wonder that fo ftrenuous an advocate for cultivating wafte lands as our Author is known to be, recommends the giving every poffible encouragement to inclofing bills, both of commons and common fields. We are his, partifans, from the most genuine conviction, that uncultivated commons are ufually not only unbeneficial, but even greatly hurtful to the poor, as encouraging idleness, &c. Mr. A. thinks that commons, if barely inclosed, and not ploughed, will produce twice the food which they do in their prefent ftate. He records (on Mr. Young's authority) that in a certain parifh the poor rates (9 s. per pound) are the genuine effect of wild commons. He humanely proposes that, on every inclosure, each cottage shall have three or four acres annexed: and he obviates the objections that may be urged from the probability of the rents being raised. Our prudent Author judges a neceffary restriction of inclofures of commons to be turned into arable, to be The erection of a barn and threshing floor on every 100 acres. However we dare hardly allow, as a general argument for inclosures of fieldland, what Mr. A. urges, viz. that farmers will give double rent; on the contrary we fear that they can feldom afford this proportion of advance, By a series of calculations, which appear to be well grounded, (but which cannot be abridged) our Author feems to prove, indifputably, that farmers, on our prefent improved system of agriculture, will have an handfome profit by their wheat, when fold at 21. 8 s. per quarter, and confequently that we need not fear that importation from even America (whence wheat can be imported, at the lowest price, but little below 21. 8 s.) will fink our farmer's profit below what is reasonable; fince, although land is cheap in America, labour is dear, and the freight and infurance will operate fo much in our favour, as to caft the balance on the fide of the mother country *. What immediately follows in this work, is marked as Section IV. but fhould certainly be diftinguished as Chapter V1. as will be evident to any perfon who observes that chapter V. is not divided into fections. In this divifion Mr. A. confiders our markets, and declares himself a ftrenuous advocate, as well for free markets as for free imports and exports; and he ftigmatizes our law which It is certainly a curious and important inquiry, whence it happens, that in a country where land is fo cheap as fcarcely to have a price, and corn or bread can be grown fo cheap, and confequently the staff of life provided fo largely, labour can continue dear? obliges obliges the farmer to bring his corn to open market, and forbids him to fell by fample, with the name of abfurd and mifchievous. He puts a cafe of eclat, viz. when the farmer and miller are next door neighbours, and the corn is carried to a market ten miles diftant to be brought home, when fold, by a team, which probably might, in a throng feafon, have been ufefully (to the farmer and the public) employed in the field.. - This feems a very strong cafe in point, as the lawyers fav; but it only feems fo, and is not, after all that is faid on this fubject, to us convincing: for although we own that in this cafe the loss to the individual and the public is real, it is but accidental, and one of those small evils that must be suffered for a much greater public good, which requires that corn to be fold fhould be expofed, for the price must be determined by real plenty of foarcity; all fale appearance of scarcity fhould (as much as poffible) be hindered. - Mr. A. obferves, that wife and virtuous men have done much to open the eyes of the French government, and enable them to fee the abfurdity and iniquity of their barbarous feudal system of corn law. He owns that our corn laws have not been fo rigid as thofe of the French; but he hopes that our legislature will totally abolish them; and he thinks fuch abolition a neceffary prelude to the great work of making free ports. We have fhewn, just above, our neceflary diffent to this abolition, in one great inftance. We however rejoice at Mr. A.'s conceffion that nothing of this kind is to be attempted till corn is plentiful (and at nearly an equal price over all Europe) and that this plenty cannot be effected without cultivation of more land. Our Author imagines that the real state of the corn trade at Amfterdam affords the best argument in favour of a free corn trade, and therefore he adds a fhort account of it. He begins with informing us, that the fund employed in that trade is very great, although Amfterdam, in confequence of the troubles of Poland, has not received her ufual quantity; and fairly accounts for the fcarcity of this city thefe two laft years. He adds a remarkable fact, viz. that the Dutch are so well convinced of the national advantage of a free corn trade, that they would not fuffer it to be infringed even when they forbid the exportation of potatoes, &c. He next obferves, that the prices at Bear-Key must be a fallacious rule for the trade of exportation and importation of corn; but that when plenty, by cultivating much more ground, is obtained, the demand of home and foreign markets will be the just rule for that trade, and a free port may wifely be established. He juftly concludes that in fuch cafe, exportation will in duce duce the regular farmer to fend his corn to market, and importation will prevent his retention of it." He confirms his general reasoning by the example of Amfterdam, which, notwithstanding the great difadvantages of having no natural fupply of corn from the adjoining country, and the neceffity of ufing the worst of ports, fupplies Europe; and he adds a comparison of the plenty there with the fearcity here in 1767. Finally, he accounts fatisfactorily for the diftreffes of the Dutch last year, from their too great fecurity. He adds, what has with great truth been evinced, viz. that scarcity, to a certain degree, is neceffary to the industry of manufactu rers, and confequently to the flourishing of manufactures.' On this fubject he is to be allowed a very competent judge, as being at the head of a great manufacture.. With great judgment Mr. A. obferves, that our manufactures of Sheffield, Birmingham, Norwich, Leeds, Colchester, and Salisbury, will force their way; and that the loss of our Levant trade is chiefly owing to our, obftinacy in making trong cloths when flight are required: but our corn will find its way, even to our enemies, when our manufactures cannot. He juftly notes that exportation, which is confumption, will encourage agriculture, produce plenty, and reduce the prices; but he diffents from the author of the Corn Tracis, as we do: he thinks the bounty quite needlefs. To the opinion of thofe who allege that the corn trade can never be a great object to England, he answers, that at Amfterdam there is feldom lefs than 200,000 quarters lying in magazines; and he obferves, that if fuch a confiderable fum as its value, viz. 400,000l. fterling, locked up in artificial unnatural trade, through tedious paffages, can be beneficial, it will follow, that to us who grow corn, and have the best ports and paffages, and to whom therefore the trade is natural, it must be infinitely more advantageous; and, upon the whole, he refers for the truth of the facts here alledged, to that able and upright minifter Sir J. Yorke, at the Hague. He adds, that the Dutch have experience to confirm their theory, that a free trade is founded in good policy; and he adduces two remarkable inftances, which fully prove that Amfterdam, although badly fituated, is the greatest magazine for corn in Europe. A new edition of Dr. Price's Obfervations on Reverfionary Payments,' &c. has occafioned our Author's adding an Appendix of more than 20 pages, to confute fome pofitions on monopolizing of farms. Mr. A. appears, in this Appendix, to have fully fhewn the mistakes in confequence of which many writers have formed illufive ideas of depopulation; and be expofes the vanity of ap plying the cafes of Romans and Spartans to Britons. He allo ex plodes plodes the popular apprehenfion that little farmers, and uncultivated commons, are beneficial to the public. He fhews that the prices of corn at Bear-Key must be fallacious; and obferves that Dr. Price owns that the price of labour has not increased with that of provifions. He concludes with a calculation which evinces that the farmer's profit, on a given judicious course of husbandry, for four years, may be 12 per cent, while other writers, whom he combats, makes it 68 per cent. How widely different are thefe conclufions!' ART. III. The Prince of Tunis; a Tragedy: As it is performed at the Theatre Royal of Edinburgh, 8vo. I s. 6 d. Cadell, &c. 1773. A RASSID, Prince of Tunis, to drive ufurping treafon from his throne,' had recourfe to the Sultan, who ge neraly judges and acts by means of his Vifir. The wily minifter took this occafion to feize on Tunis; and the enterprize was committed to Barbaroffa, a warlike and renowned general. Huffan, the favourite of this general, advifes him to put his rival (Araffid) to death, and he accordingly employs a ruffian to ftab him. He fucceeds against the rebels; tells Zulima (the widow of Araffid) a plaufible tale of the Prince's death; woces; and marries her. Here the play begins. Zulima does not fhew caufe why, loving Araffid with the greatest fondness, the should marry Barbarossa. Forgiving this, as we do in pure clemency, we think the dialogue of Zulima and Zaida (fifter of Araffid) merits approbation; and the character and guilt of Barbaroffa are marked, at his entrance, by very judicious and proper hints. He carries the matter rather too far in taking his prime minifter Haffan by the throat, as a perfidious villain, when all the events of the play were to depend on the attachment of this Haflan. The poet fays, it was in a dream of fancy.' We conceive a guilty mind, in a reverie, might do fuch violence to his partner in guilt; but that partner in guilt would never forgive him.. In the beginning of the fecond act, Zeyda, from fomething faid to her by a flave, fuppofes her brother may be alive. The various passions which agitate the breast of Zulima, are well expreffed. Recourfe is had to Heli, by the advice of the flave. Heli is an old general, a favourite of the people, and a friend of the late Prince. Their converfation with him is interrupted by Barbaroffa and Hafian, who take up fufpicions against Heli ;and Haffan tempts his mafter to deftroy him. Zulima's addrefs to Death, at the opening of the third act, puts one in mind of that to Sleep in Harry the Fourth, by which means it greatly lofes its effect. Heli difcovers to Zulima and Zeyda, tre plot which had been laid against Araffid; and they refolve refolve on revenge under the direction of Heli: but the converfation is interrupted by Haffan, who fends Heli away; and is joined by Barbaroffa, who gives audience to an envoy from the Porte. When the immediate bufinefs of this embaffy is difpatched, Barbaroffa makes a bofom friend of Zatma (the envoy) and gives him a ring to admit him into every part of the palace. Haffan directs his fufpicions principally to Heli. Zatma fays, I will fearch his heart.' Barbaroffa's answer does honour to the Author : I'd have it fearch'd. His femblance is a just one; Shrinks at his frown, or triumphs in his praise.' In the fourth act Haffan gives Barbaroffa a paper, which fhews Heli to be in a plot against his government; and the manner of his death is refolved upon.-Heli enters and speaks the following foliloquy : "Tis near the time! and expectation throbs In burning bofoms for the sign of action! If yet may reafon paufe upon the deed, Are these the means of virtue? Muffled treafon Is not of virtue's colour. Much I fear, The paths of falfehood, though they lead to juftice, Of fateful peril, I would hufh its voice Zeyda enters and ftimulates the old man to forward his defign: yet, on his hinting that there was fomething peculiar in his ftory, the wishes to hear it. Whether the Author means here to prove, that female curiofity is stronger than any paffion; or, that an old man might be tempted to tell his tale even at the mouth of a cannon, we cannot determine. We believe, however, that many of his readers will not think he has chosen the happiest time to difcover that Heli was the father of Zulima. A meffenger entering, acquaints Heli that Zatma is in pursuit of him, which determines him to forego the happiness of em bracing |