Each feature in proportion juft. Had Art But foften'd the hard lines. Had Art There does not appear to be fufficient room for this cenfure. Thomfon's enthufiafm fometimes led him into abstracted ideas, but he was, otherwife, far from being hard in his lines. The verfes bestowed on Akenfide might have been more pro- Thy harp was tun'd to Freedom. Strains like thine, Her hardy veterans from their frugal board, And Thebes faw Xerxes fhake through all his tents. On difmiffing this critical poem, we have only to obferve, that the Author does not appear to us to have poffeffed that clearness of judgment, or that precifion of language, which his fubject required. MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For FEBRUARY, 1773 ت. POLITICAL, Art. 1. Two Letters to one of the Affociators at the Chapter Coffeehouse in London. Folio. s. Marlborough printed, and fold in - London by Longman, &c. 1773 HE fubject of thefe letters is very interesting; and, as it has employed the deliberations of parliament in the laft and prefent feffions, and is ftill in a great measure fub judice, our Author's obfervations may be of real ufe in directing and affifting the enquiries of the public at large, and of our legiflators in particular. The expediency of a bounty has been very much debated, both in parliament and out of it; and this writer is of opinion, that, whatever beneficial confequences may attend it in the prefent exigency, it will prove only a temporary relief; and that the regulations in the bill (commonly called Governor Fownall's: bill) when confidered as the plan of a permanent law, (for fo the patrons of it defcribe it to be) will appear to deviate too much from all the established rules of trade and principles of commerce, to have the unanimous approbation of our prefcht leginators, whofe profeffions of regard for the edom of trade, in the preambles of fome of their acts, are incon fillent with the narrow and uncommercial fchemes contained in this bill.' The first of these letters was published feveral months ago, and was taken notice of in our Review for June 172. The fecond letter contains a reply to fome animadverfions on the first, and particularly thofe of Dr. H. in the Gentleman's Magazine for the fame month; with fome farther remarks on the bill in agitation, and a propofal for obtaining a plentiful fupply of provifions, by methods (founded on mercantile maxims) which will at the fame time keep up the value of land, and increase the public revenue. This Writer is a fenfible and fpirited opponent of the fcheme fug-. geted to parliament by Governor Powrall; and, we are informed, that his pamphlet, or a printed extract from it, was lately fent to every member of both houfes, refident in England. How far the objections urged in it may have had effect in impeding the progrefs of this bill, is uncertain; nor does it become us to determine: but it feems likely that fome difficulties have arifen on this fubject, which have prevented its being read a third time in the houfe of commons. It must ever be acknowledged (fays this Writer) that improvements in husbandry and in manufactures deferve the fupport and protection of government, but furely one fhould not be fupported at the expence of the other, for the great fources of national wealth are the labour of the poor, and the fertility of the foil; if the first is checked by difcouraging circumitances, it has the fame effect upon the body of the people as if the lands were rendered many degrees more barren. Instead, therefore, of fo difcouraging a circumflance as the introduction of a new bounty fcheme, I hope we may rely on the wifdom and goodness of the prefent administration, and the integrity of parliament for the fupply of neceffaries, on fair and equitable terms; for when any act of fovereignty is difcouraging to one fet of fubjects only, but encouraging to others to advance their rents and to better their condition, a feparation of their interefts and purfuits is as effectually established, as by forming them into dif ferent focieties. To ftrengthen and confirm in the most effectual manner fuch feparation, the wit of man cannot devife a more notable expedient than a monopoly in behalf of those who are united in that interest which is most favoured by government. A monopoly may be fometimes moderate, as may a perfecution for matter of belief: for we are not to infer, that becaufe the poffeffors of a monopoly, or of a power to perfecute, do not exercise extreme rigour, or are limited in the extent of their power, that therefore no fuch monopoly or perfecution are exiting. A monopoly too, like perfecution, may be leaft dreaded when the one does not affect the neceffaries of life, nor the other the fundamentals of religion. The Dutch monopoly of fpice, which is held by them without any competition; and the tea, and other products of India, which are in a great degree monopolized by our East India company, are the lefs injurious as they affect only articles of luxury, which too are fuch articles in trade as will bear high taxes, and thereby are the means of a prodigious increase of the public revenue; fo far therefore as fuch revenue is concerned, thofe exclufive rights are of fome benefit to the ftate, and perhaps they are in a degree fo, as the means of checking luxury. But the L 3 b.11 bill we have been speaking of intends to give the exclufive poffeffion of a branch of trade to the corn-holders of Great Britain up to a certain pitch, without obtaining from it any advantage to the revenue; and this monopoly (for to all intents and purposes it is a monopoly to a degree) added to that which the graziers have long been in the exclufive poffeffion of, would for ever prevent such a cheapness and plenty of provifions in our markets as in fome feafons ought to be the confequence of that heavenly benignity, which, as David fays," has given the earth to the children of men," and which fometimes bleffes a nation with a profufion of "all things richly to enjoy." For when any fet of men have the fole power or privilege of vending any commodity, they may put what price they pleafe upon it, and though there may be an option in the buyer: with refpect to fuperfluities, whether to give an extravagant price or not, yet in neceffaries the cafe is different.' In another place he fays, that the bill now in contemplation, inftead of an act to encourage trade in general, and the exportation of corn in particular, might be entituled, An Act to prevent the Cheapnefs of Corn; for it must be acknowledged, that it tends to prevent exceffive dearnefs, but it gives foreign hufbandmen all the benefit of a high price whenever it fhall happen at market.' And he adds, that this bill will deprive the subjects of Great Britain of the fair opportunity which they have to take the lead in the corntrade throughout the world.' The fubjects of Great Britain will by this law be often forbid to fend corn to the beft markets, and fell at the most profitable prices; and will always be prevented from buying it at fuch prices as may afford a probability of profit, or eǹcourage fpeculation.' A free trade encourages commerce and promotes plenty;' whereas monopoly checks commerce and degradès human nature: that flavery is the effect of it we know from the fate of the poor Egyptians, who fold them felves, their wives, and their little ones, to Pharaoh for bread, for that bread, the produce of their own lands, which Jofeph had monopolized.' Our Author fuggefts the following fcheme of relief, which he throws into a paradoxical form, and acknowledges to be of a fingu lar conftruction, viz. to increase the public revenue by lowering of taxes, and to fill our markets with meats, by laying a duty on the importation of cattle and falted provifions. The taxes I mean are thofe high duties on the importation of corn and grain of all kinds which were undoubtedly defigned to exelude them. And in order to obtain the fupply of cattle and meats, instead of the prefent prohibition, my scheme is to allow the importation, on the payment, neverthelefs, of fo high a duty, as to give a confiderable preference to the British landholders, befides the great advantage they would have (in a competition with ftrangers) in being free from the expence of freight and commiffion, and the danger of fhipwreck.' Art. 16. Authentic Papers relative to the Expedition against the Charibbs, and [to] the fale of Lands in the liland of St. Vincents. 4to. 2s. 6d. Almon. 1775 It is fufficient to fay that thefe papers appear to be genuine copies of the letters, memorials, addrefies, &c. which have been laid before the house of commons, relative to the coercive meafures lately taken 4 taken by government for the fecurity of the British interest in the island of St. Vincent; and that, from an attentive perufal of them, we are fully convinced (friends as we are to the common rights and liberties of all mankind) of the expediency and neceflity of thofe measures. At the fame time it ought to be observed, that the exceptions taken against thofe measures, though perhaps urged with too much wasmath and precipitancy, ought not to be placed to the account of a factious and turbulent fpirit, but should rather be viewed with fatisfaction by all parties, as proofs of the humanity and generofity of our Countrymen. Art. 17. Confiderations on the State of the Sugar Islands, and on the Policy of enabling Foreigners to lend Money on real Securities in thofe Colonies. In a Letter addreffed to the Right Hon. Lerd North; by a West India Planter. 8vo. 4 S bladon, &c. 1773 Thefe confiderations are preceded by a brief account of the settlement of the old fugar islands, which, under the particular attention and encouragement of government, foon rofe into very flourishing circumstances. The new iflands, viz. Dominico, St. Vincent and Tobago, feemed to be rifing into confequence and opulence; but alas! fays this Writer, what a fad reverfe? By the late failures, money is become of fech value here, that all the channels in which it used to flow to the colonies are topped up on thefe confiderations, therefore, he concludes, that loans are abfolutely requifite for the fupport of thefe iflands, and, indeed, to fave them from ruin; and as fuch loans cannot be obtained in our own country, he proceeds to thew the neceifity of calling in foreign aid. He anfwers the objections which have been railed against this defign; and endeavours to prove that the increase of money, by loans from foreigners, muit have the most happy effects on or fhipping, commerce, and manufactures. He concludes with obferving, that the commiflion for felling the lands in the new islands commenced in 1761, and has been ever fince kept on foot at the expence of twenty thousand pounds per annum to government [i. e. to the nation;] that this commiffion has not, at prefent, any other object than the Caraib lands in St. Vincents, all the other lands having been already fold; and as the king's troops are now employed in expelling the Caraibs, it is prefumed thefe lands may be eafily fold, in the courfe of this year, when the commiffion would be fully executed: but, it is added, unless fome means fhall be contrived to procure loans to enable the purchasers of lands in the new islands to carry on their fettlements, the commiffion will not be without objects for many years to come: for by much the greatest parts of the lands already fold will revert to the crown, and must be fold a fecond time, though probably not for a fum fufficient to defray the annual expences of the commiffion.' This Welt India Planter appears to be a good judge of the fubject he has taken into confideration; and which has alio lately engaged the attention of the houfe of commons: a bill having been paded to anfer the purpofe recommended by our Author. 1 Art. 18. Juice and Policy: An Effay on the increafing Growth and Enormities of our Great Cities. Shewing the Breaches thereby occafioned in the Conftitution, with a Method to repair them, and, through the Means of Morality and Induftry, to place it on a more firm Bafis, by the Bands of Union, that Britain may become the Afylum of Worth, and the Empire, with the Commerce of it justly established, instead of exchanging Religion for Trade.-Alfo, Confiderations upon the State of Ireland, with a Propofal for the Relief of it, and a Scheme for its Benefit, by employing the Poor univerfally; together with Refections on Police in general, and on the Exportation of Provi fions from Ireland in particular.-To which are added, Thoughts on Conquefts, Trade, and military Colonies, &c. &c. Divided into seven Chapters. Addreffed to a Noble Peer. By a Freeholder in Ireland, and a Stock-holder in England. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Dublin printed, London re-printed, and fold by Dilly, &c. 1773. We have given this very long and minute title-page, because we thought the Author himself must have intended to epitomize his own work. It is not well written, though it may be very well intended and the materials of it are fo fcattered, that we should have found it difficult to give the reader an idea of the whole. The Author has thought fit to afford us, in this publication, but three chapters cut of the feven mentioned in the title; but he promises the remainder after Eafter. He has left a chafm between the fecond and fourth chapters, and disappointed us of the Plan of Union between England and Ireland. We fhall be glad to fee what he has to offer; for we respect his honefty and his knowledge, though we do not admire his talents. Art. 19. Obfervations upon the prefent State of England, with Remarks upon the Pay of the fubaltern Officers in the Army. By an Officer. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Goldfmith. 1773. The Author of thefe obfervations is a lively and fenfible, but an unequal and incorrect Writer. After giving a view of the prefent ftate of England (which he thinks the luxury and profligacy of the age hath brought to a very defperate pafs) he fays, What is to be done?-i aniwer, we must do what I never expect to fee executedThat is, we must explode our prefent manners, and regain the fimplicity and virtues of our fore-fathers.-I am afraid this mighty fcheme which I have propofed is all quackery. It is attempting the incurable; and therefore, as it is impoffible to restore the state of this country to her former vigour of conftitution, we must advise palliatives, in order to ftrengthen her against the corroding humours which prey upon her vitals.' The Author's advice is, if we cannot mend our manners, to keep our army on a respectable footing. In order to this, he thinks a particular attention fhould be paid to the circumftances of fubaltern officers. Here we apprehend his powers fail him, and he is not fo able an advocate as we expected. He gives feveral good reafons, however, to fupport his opinion; and we heartily with they may be attended to. |