of the fovereign; there is another advantage, which, though it cannot be faid to fpring directly from that change, yet would it have enfued as a natural confequence of the national government's taking upon itself this fovereign charge; and that is, the creation or inftitution of a new intereft in that country; a fort of middle ftate, betwixt the native fubject and their foreign government.

The middle ftate here meant is the East India Company (or which is the fame, her fervants in Bengal ;) which, being now reduced to the condition of a fubject, though ftill retaining all her commercial privileges and interests in that country, would have formed an intermediate link in the political chain, ferving to connect the natives with their government, and government with the natives. For, in every one circumitance that respected the liberty of the fubject, this middle flate must have held precifely the fame intereft as the natives; and, in confequence, the fame inclination to oppofe all oppreffion of government: and, in every thing that respected the real intereft, the power, or honour of the fovereign, the community of Natale Solum must have led it to fupport the measures of government. Therefore, this middle ftate, holding a great weight in that dependent dominion (not indeed from its numbers, but from the powerful fupport and influence of the Company, which would have been ftill very refpectable in the fovereign country) muft have carried a mighty poife into the scale of liberty, in oppofition to the defpotifm of government; whilft, at the fame time, it would have created no danger to the power of the fovereign. And a middle ftate of this nature muft have been of inexpreßible utility; facilitating, in many respects, the establishment of a regular political economy in the government of these countries. For, in fuch cafe, the fovereign could, with propriety, efficacy, and fafety, have conferred every reasonable privilege on the whole body of fubjects in this foreign dominion: feeing that the exertion of these privileges might have been artfully confined to this middle state: and, as on the one hand, this fineffe would not have, in any shape, withheld the benefit of these privileges from the natives; but, on the contrary, would have rendered them more effectually useful to the whole body of fubjects, than if they had been committed either entirely or in common to the natives; because the Company's fervants would, from intereft, have had the fame inclination as the natives, to exert thefe privileges for the common good; and they would have infinitely greater power, from their fuperior activity, intrepidity, and firmnefs, as alio from their fuperior opportunities of obtaining redrefs elsewhere against any infringement made by government: fo, on the other hand, the authority of the fovereign could have incurred no risk from thefe privileges in the hands of Europeans; whereas there is great danger in attempting to confer on the natives a power to controul even the defpotifm of govern

ment.'

The Author is aware of the objection to a measure of this kind, arifing from the apprehenfion of danger to the national liberty, from government's acquiring fuch an acceffion of influence as muft flow from the poffeffion of the many emolunents, places, pofts, &c. annexed to this Indian charge. Of

this objection, however, he makes very light. In the first place he thinks the miniftry do already, by other means, actually poffefs this dreaded influence.

He enters largely into the fpirit of this and every other objection that he apprehends could be made to his propofal; and having, as he must be prefumed to fuppofe, victoriously overturned them all, he finally concludes, that if Britain means to preferve the poffeffion of that mighty benefit derived from dominion and commerce in India; if the means to prevent the abfolute ruin of the Company, and her creditors; if he hath any regard to the loud cry of oppreflion fent forth to her for a series of years, by her numerous wretched fubjects in those countries; and means to fave them from final deftruction, fhe must furnish their government with a fovereign, or head, properly qualified to administer it: for this is the foundation, as well as the crowning of all good government; it is the center upon which the machine revolves, from which every line iffues, and in which every line terminates; it is the fine qua non, for without it no regular government can exit. And what proper fovereign can Britain furnish to that dependent dominion, unless it be her own fovereign govern

ment.'

With respect to the practicability of this fcheme of national government, without any effential detriment to the commercial interefts of the Company, the Author imagines that he has clearly fhewn that the nation and her fupreme government are perfectly equal to the charge: to them there is not the smallest difficulty in fupporting it. Neither is there the smallest difficulty to her executive government or miniftry, provided it fhall poffefs an ordinary fhare of spirit, activity, or enterprize; and shall proceed with fincere and upright intention. For, a regular form of government being once established abroad, and a properly digested office or department formed at home, the business would go on with great smoothness and facility to ministry.'

Nevertheless, as our Author has affumed the liberty of prefcribing in this important cafe, he expreffes his forrow that a fincere regard to the welfare of the patient fhould compel him to add, in conclufion, that, unless miniftry fhall act upon a principle, and with a fpirit, extremely different from that which it hath hitherto discovered in this business, it would be much more adviseable to continue the charge in the hands of the company for it can be but ruined under her,'

In ftrong hopes, however, of a melioration in thefe respects, which depends altogether on the will of government, the Writer now proceeds to lay down a plan which, in the hands of a properly qualified fovereign, would, he doubts not, ferve to eftablish a regular fyftem of political government in India : and this is the bufinefs of the fourth general head of his publication. But, for the particulars of this plan (which feems highly to merit the attention of the Public) we muft, on account of the unufual extent of the prefent article, refer our Readers to the work at large.

The

The fifth and laft divifion of this notable performance contains the Writer's plan for eftablishing a regular system of military government and defence in India;' but for the particulars alfo of this scheme we muft, for the fame reason, refer to the book; obferving only, by the way, that the Author feems to have given unanswerable reasons for abolishing the unprofitable and ufelefs fettlement of Bombay; and, in lieu thereof, for eftablishing a new and excellent naval port, fomewhere on the eaft fide of the peninsula. Our Author tells us that he has fuch a port and new fettlement in view; and it should feem that he means to propofe it, if properly required; and poffibly on this hinge it is that the whole of his performance turns. Be that, however, as it may, he appears to have advanced, as we have intimated, good and folid arguments for carrying fuch a measure into execution; at the fame time that he affigns, at leaft, a very paffable * reason for concealing the name of the place which he would recommend for the new port and fettlement. He alfo ftates and answers the feveral objections which, he forefees, may poffibly be made to his measure.

Our Author concludes the whole with a melancholy profpec tus,-fhewing, that after all, nothing of the falutary kind here recommended, is to be expected from the prefent adminiftra

tion.

For the nation must confider, fays he, that her prefent adminif tration confifts of the very men who tranfacted, and (by their truly reverberating eccho) confirmed, to the Company, the second + grant of the Dewanny: knowing that this Dewanny was nothing other than the fovereignty of a mighty dominion, dependent upon the crown, and nation, of Britain: and, confequently that, by fubjecting the numerous inhabitants of thofe countries to the dominion of a few merchants, incapable of adminiftring any fort of government, they were configning over to tyranny and anarchy, intolerable oppreffion and ruin, many millions of men, who were, to all intents and purposes, fubjects of Britain. And they are the men who, during the four years that elapfed fince that grant, have furnished the force

The port, fays he, which I mean to propofe, is in every refpect completely fit for the purpofe; though I cannot, in this publication, fpecify the place, left the enemy fhould anticipate, and take the advantage of our fhameful neglect.'

We muft make a wide difference betwixt the first and fecond grants of this Dewanny (as it is termed). The first grant was made for only two years, at a time when the then miniftry were in a great meafure unacquainted with the nature of the thing which they granted having been deceived by base art: nor did this miniftry, in the course of their adminiftration, exert any manner of minifterial influence over the Directors. But far different were the lights, as well as the conduct of that ministry which, on the expiration of the first two years, renewed that grant for the long term of five years."

to

to.fupport this tyranny and anarchy: and, in fpite of

enacting a farce, wherein the Directors were compelled to perform the fame part in Europe, that the native Nabobs have exhibited in India. It cannot, therefore, be expected that they will, willingly, change their plan of conduct: feeing that, befides their former motives, they have the additional one of obftinacy; or fhame of ftanding felf-condemned, for paft mifmanagement, fhould they now alter their measures. It is rather to be fuppofed that they will continue the cloke of the Company; together with the Directorial farce: and that, to fupport the broken credit of the Company (broken by collufive management) they will, through eccho, grant her a power, to force her paper upon the public, for its money. As alfo that, under the pretext of honouring the nation with fome share in the charge of this fovereignty (under the Company, but no fhare in the profits) they will gradually thrust her fhoulders under that whole load, which, as the Company must manage it, will foon become intolerable. And, by the aid of these fresh reinforcements, they will juggle it and bungle it, and bungle it and juggle it on, for one, or poffibly two, years longer: and then nation and Company will both tumble together, into the pit of bankruptcy, perdition, and defpair.

But fhall the nation, with eyes open, fuffer the pilot to crowd femlings on the rocks, which have already grazed the ship's bot tom? No, we must about fhip, and call another hand to the helm. Matters, it is to be hoped, are not yet palt remedy; the channel is obvious; if the nation will but put to her hand. His Majesty can have no real intereft but what is common with that of his people: and, however the views of the crown may, in fome cafes, differ a little from those of the people; in this particular cafe they must both exactly concur. He will, here, hearken to the voice of his people : and a little popular heat will force into administration fomething of that patriotic ambition, fire, fpirit, and enterprize, which alone can fave this nation from dreadful impending misfortunes.

But if the nation, funk in the bed of flavish floth, inebriated with the transforming Circean cup, enervated and émafculated by the lewd embraces of fenfual pleafure, fhall flight and difregard her own dearest concerns: like the prodigal debauchee, who chides from him the faithful friend that attempts recalling him to fober reflection and implicitly confides in the management of a fteward, who hath already wafted the better part of his fair patrimony: then let the nation, fome two or three years hence, recollect, that he was advifed of her danger, by a hafty production, iflued about the middle of January, 1773: though not thought of, until that moft ditinLeretted of all poffible minifters had, by way of remedying all evils, dispatched his Secret Committee to the India Houfe: there to infpect the Company's private economy: a thing, with which neither law, justice, government, nor nation hath any thing to do; and which, unlefs in cafes of bankruptcy, is facred to the meaneft individual. As if, from the Company's books of accounts, it was poffible to difcover the cause of abuse in the government of thofe Indian dominions or, as if schemes of faving to the Company, one thilling per ton, treight of her cargoes, or three pence per pound, in warehouse room, would retrieve the, almoft ruined, Intereit of Britain in India.'

ART.

ART. VI. CONTINUATION of our Account of the LXI Volume of the PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS, from our Review for December laft.

PAPERS relating to NATURAL HISTORY. Articles I and II. Remarks upon the Nature of the Soil of Naples, and its Neighbourhood. By the Honourable William Hamilton, &c.

N

of our late volumes the reader will find a great

I part of the fubitance of the ingenious Author's former com

munications to the Royal Society, on the fubject of Volcanos. In the present articles the Author's further obfervations and remarks upon the fame fubject are fo numerous and complicated with each other, that we find it difficult to detach any of them from their place, in fuch a manner as to give a fatisfactory account of them within a moderate compafs. We shall felect, however, a few particular observations contained in these two articles.

We may obferve, in the first place, that the Author here, confirms his fyftem concerning the production of Volcanos, by feveral curious and interefting remarks made on the foil, and interior contents of the earth, in a circumference of many miles round Mount Vefuvius. Almoft at every step he meets with reasons that confirm him in the belief, that this mountain originally role from the bottom of the fea: and indeed it appears that all the earth in the neighbourhood of Vesuvius, throughout a very extenfive circuit, is compofed of different ftrata of erupted matter, to a depth even below the level of the Mediterranean. In fhort, the author fuppofes that the fea formerly extended fo far as the mountains that lie behind Capua and Caferta; and that the fubterranean, or, as in this cafe, we may properly enough call them, fubmarine fires, have formerly worked in this country under the bottom of the fea, as moles in a field, throwing up here and there a hillock; fome of which, formed into fettled volcanos, have, from time to time, thrown out matter fufficient to fill up the spaces between them, and have thus, at length, compofed the terra firma which constitutes all this part of the continent.

We have, on a former occafion, fpoken pretty largely on the Solfaterra; which was once, undoubtedly, an active volcano; and is now far from being in a dozing fstate. We then mentioned the hollow found produced on throwing a large ftone into the bafon, and which undoubtedly indicates the existence

In our account of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, for 1765, given in the Appendix to our 41ft volume, page

510.

of