fessions and obliging attentions, simular of friendship but at the bottom false, hollow, designing, and malicious; who should inflict a wound with more than Parthian dexterity, and yet be studious of frequenting the company of men of character to countenance his own and finally, who should collect and scatter around him the virus lunare, the vaporous drops that hang in any region of infection, that the objects of their influence might feel the blast of the inchanter, and know not whence it comes. If, I say, such a man should be found, I shall not name him, and it is not for him to lay bare is own conscience by a foolish, appropriating indiscretion. I have only sketched out at present such a character in prose; and all I shall say further is, may he, if such a man exist, strive to wipe out such actions by more than literary contrition, and deeply feel and know that he has lived, throughout the course of a life not inconsiderable in its duration, under a fatal errour and wretched abuse of time, learning, talents and accomplishments. This character is left on record, like any of La Bruyere's, without even the shadow of a It shall ever remain unappropriated by me. name. If any person should ask why such an imaginary character was drawn, I reply in the words of Pope: Ask you the provocation that I had? 'The strong antipathy of good TO BAD.” BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL. THE promulgation of the new orders in Council of the 26th of April, has confounded democratick declamation and overthrown the arrogance of the party with irresistible astonishment. The lion which has been so long crouching to the eagle, in the columns of democratick newspapers, begins again to bristle his mane, and we shall probably cease to hear the eternal jargon of the coercion of the embargo, and Great Britain at the feet of America. The truth is, that the democrats are beginning to exclaim against such a modification of the old Orders, and such a relaxation of the restrictions on neutral trade, as they would have greeted with delight, three months ago; before the settlement of our differences was made at Washington. Mr. Pinckney has probably made up an accommodation with Mr. Canning upon the precise terms of his instructions from the Jefferson cabinet, as recognized in the non-intercourse law. We have all a long maintained,* that Great Britain had offered terms through Mr. Erskine, in Washington, which were entirely unexpected by our government, and infinitely more favourable than we had pretended to claim, through our minister at St. James's. All the merit, therefore, which the accommodation in Washington implies, was to be ascribed to the candour of the British government, since we had given authority to Mr. Pinckney to come to a settlement on conditions much less advantageous. The dif ference of the two cases is very apparent, and forms a decisive conclusion as to the presumed inefficacy of the embargo system, in the opinion of the administration. Although we have vested Mr. Pinckney with powers to settle or compromise our dispute upon the terms which the new orders indicate, it will not follow by any means, that the British government do not intend to abide by the settlement as made by Mr. Erskine, provided he has not exceeded his authority. By the present order we are authorized to proceed to any ports of the world not immediately governed by French authority; and the French decrees debar us from entering such places in case the British were ever so well inclined. Yet as it is evidently the interest of Great-Britain to secure her West Indian monopoly ; and prevent every pound of the colonial produce of her enemy from reaching the mother country, we do not think it improbable that a rigorous blockade of the principal European and colonial ports will be instituted, as soon as Bonaparte shall have repealed his decrees. But whilst they continue to afford a precedent for a parchment system of blockade, Great Britain may perhaps undertake to defend her adoption of similar hostilities, not on the ground of right or justice, but of reciprocality. We are far from viewing such an intention however with either lenity or forbearance; we only mean to assert that if Great Britain should do it, it would be an abundant proof that the embargo policy had failed of its coercive effects. Great Britain in such a case could not be justified; yet it is not improbable that some master stroke of policy was designed, when Mr. Erskine came forward to offer such terms of accommodation, as were far beyond the expectations of the people of both countries. What necessity was there on the * Ordeal, page 300. part of Mr. Canning for conceding any points to us, which we did not require? Points, the decision of which we were willing to wave? The reason is not to be sought in the national benevolence of the government of Great Britain; but in the diplomatick cunning of the prime minister. GREAT BRITAIN. IF it should happen after all our settlement of difficulties that the English minister had in some minute particular exceeded his instructions in his correspondence with Mr. Smith, the demo-. crats perhaps would not consider Mr. Canning justified in refusing to confirm the accommodation, after the example of Mr. Jefferson in regard to the rejected treaty. Yet if the government of the United States refuse to comply with the terms which their minister concurred in forming, surely Great Britain will have a right to avail herself of a similar excuse, if imperious necessity should require it. So it is that the example of Mr. Jefferson is destructive to the country in whatever aspect it may be contemplated. The presumption is, however, that Great Britain will confirm the arrangement made at Washington, in so far as that she will repeal the orders in Council in our favour; but if France continue her decrees without declaring war upon us, we still believe the present ministry will institute a regular blockade of all the enemies colonies and the principal European ports. The opposition in England has now become very formidable ; if events on the continent should prove unfavourable, the probability is that the ministers will be obliged to resign; at any rate they will not dare to violate their publick faith, pledged to America, although the uncommonly advantageous terms upon which the accommodation was made would lead to a conclusion, that she had a deeper design in the settlement than we are yet able to discover. THE AUSTRIANS IN ARMS. THERE are some favourable lights in which the present struggle of Austria against the French can be viewed, which will serve to relieve the sober appearance of the prospect. It is a war of necessity on the part of Austria, and she enters into it probably, with the full persuasion that she must exert all her strength, before she can recover her lost dominions, or regain her lost prowess. She is not trammelled by any of those formidable combinations, (alas, only formidable to their own existence !) commonly denominated coalitions. She goes singly into the war, and her singleness will probably be her safety. The cabinet hitherto distracted with divisions, is now united in the Arch Duke Charles, who is universally considered, in Europe, to be second to no other general in the world, but Moreau. Austria has again taken the field, under a new system of tacticks, which inspires her soldiers with courage, and under a general whose complete control over his soldiers' affections, would inspire that courage, if other inducements should fail. We repeat it, that there is more to be hoped from Austria single handed, than from a coalition. Spain, if the Arch Duke should gain some partial success, and on that account oblige Bonaparte to turn his whole attention upon him, would have another opportunity to breathe and recover her strength. She might be able to form a new army, and give employment to the French troops for many succeeding years; but to reduce the present French military despotism by hard fighting, would require more force than all Europe could bring into the field, and more years than any man now alive will probably experience. Suppose Spain, Portugal and Austria were to gain many successes this campaign, it would not shock the foundation of the French power. Napoleon's greatest generals and statesmen, have now a permanent personal interest in maintaining his authority. Besides, he has established his empire, the period of the revolution has passed, and nothing but another more formidable than the first, would be likely to subvert the present government; and the French have now such a sense of revolutions, that they shudder at the very recollection of the last. Austria may, and we sincerely hope she will, gain some such success, as will produce a recovery of her late dominions. But the hope of shaking France to the centre, at this late period, must be considered utterly futile and ridiculous. Napoleon, like Shakespeare, is seated upon a throne of adamant, and the stream of time, which washes away as it passes the fabricks of minor powers, leaves uninjured the basis on which his might is established. RECENT PUBLICATION. AN EPISTLE To a Member of the General Court of Massachusetts, 1809. This is a poetical address to some statesman belonging to the Massachusetts legislature; but we have been puzzled to discover who he is, or what is the intention of the poet, in the epistle. The author thus speaks of an orator in the house; we do not pretend to understand to whom he alludes; we quote the lines to perplex our readers as well as ourselves. They will afford a fair specimen of the poetry. "And lo! where . . . Rises, mature, to save the state; in debate, From long experience wary grown, Though parties change, preserves his own; There's one criterion to his vote; He speaks, and lo! the astonish'd house There are some judicious notes upon the subversion of the republican principle in the conduct of elections by means of secret committees and legislative caucuses. The piece, on the whole, is not calculated to have any material effect upon the publick, from the profound obscurity in which its intention is buried. |