As we cannot understand what is meant by the term ' the ground work to all the preliminary articles,' being offered for consideration, we shall not attempt to refute or explain it.

The extract from the non-intercourse law which we have offered, is abundant proof of the falsehood of the assertion, which implies a necessity on the part of Mr. Erskine to tell, in the first instance what his majesty would do, before he could expect the president to relinquish our demands or relax in our measures.' The law itself had already 'relaxed our measures,' and we had assumed an aspect of equality, which (Great-Britain taking the earliest advantage of it) will prob. ably oblige France to declare war against the United States. So much for the concessions we have obtained from Great-Britain.

THE NEGOCIATION.

AMONG all the clamours of the democratick party in relation to the concessions of Great-Britain; they are perfectly silent in respect to our own. We do not mean to maintain that our government have not done strictly right, in silently submitting to a state of circumstances which they could not control; all we assert is, that our former secretary of state has made many real concessions, which are quite as derogatory to our government as the presumed concessions on the part of the British. In his letter of instruction to Mr. Munroe, in Jan. 1804, Mr. Madison told the minister that unless our claims to the immunity of the flag in merchant ships were conceded to us even in the narrow seas, the negociation would then be at an end. The negociation did not end. On the same subject the secretary writes thus, in 1806, so indispensable is some adequate provision for the case, that the president makes it a necessary preliminary to any stipulation, requiring a repeal of the non-importation act.' Yet when the British peremptorily refused the admission of such a claim, President Jefferson directed Mr. Madison to instruct the minister to suffer the negociation to terminate without any formal compact whatever. After this, however, we see negociations about to be renewed, notwithstanding the British proclamation respecting deserters, in which our claims on the subject are forever foreclosed. Concessions, therefore, on the very point which has engaged the best talents of the two governments for more than five years, are now made by us without any noise. The negociation is to be renewed notwithstanding all our threats; and then the great obstacle to an amicable issue, will be the British proclamation. That subject will exhaust a few years more in controversy before we come to a definitive settlement, and then, we venture to predict, we shall allow the British

to search for their own seamen on board our merchant ships; they giving bonds as the last rejected treaty contemplated, that the American sailor shall not be molested.

On the subject of reparation for the Chesapeak attack, we are forcibly instructed in the manner in which concessions have been made from time to time, which we dare say the democrats would wish were forever blotted from the pages of the publick documents.

First, in his letter of April 4, 1808, addressed to Mr. Pinckney, Mr. Madison, after noticing the correspondence of Mr. Rose, and the posture in which the final reply of that minister had placed the question of adjustment, observes, that the reparation should be made in America, 'but the president authorizes you to accept the reparation' there, (England) provided it be tendered spontaneously, be charged with no condition, unless it be that on the receipt of the act of reparation here, the proclamation of July 2 shall be revoked. Still it is to be understood' (on the subject of the orders in council)' that whilst the insult of fered in the attack on the American frigate remains unexpiated, you are not to pledge or commit your government to consider a recall of the orders as a ground on which a removal of the existing restrictions on the commerce of the United States might be justly expected.' The government made this stand, which seems to have been very cautiously examined; but the post we shall soon see was not tenable. In his letter to Mr. Pinckney of April 30, 1808, only twenty-six days after, Mr. Madison directs him in the event of the orders in council being rescinded, as they applied to the United States, and without any other condition being implied, to authorize an expectation that the president will, within a reasonable time, give effect to the authority vested in him on the subject of the embargo laws." Lest any doubt should remain as to the phrase 'authorize an expectation,' the secretary speaks of such course being taken by the British government as will render a suspension of the embargo certain or probable.' Here then was an authority to res tore our intercourse with Great-Britain, without reference to the Chesa peak insult, which was included in his letter of July 18, 1808, in the term, other salutary adjustments. Mr. Pinckney, accordingly, did on the 23d of August offer to Mr. Canning on behalf of the American government, to suspend the embargo law and its supplements, as regarded Great-Britain, in case that nation repealed her orders.' He said he was authorized to give this assurance in the most formal manner.' It was at this time that the advocates of the embargo in America began to doubt of its efficacy in coercing Great-Britain, and Mr. Canning's reply, Sept. 23, to the proposal of Mr. Pinckney, completely satisfied them of the propriety of their doubts. After regretting the unfortunate operation of the orders in council, and stating the question relating to that measure, Mr. Canning proceeds respecting the embargo; his majesty sees nothing, in the embargo laid on by the president of the VOL. 1:

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United States of America, which varies the original and simple state of the question.' He continues, his majesty does not conceive that he has any right or pretension to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light' (as a municipal regulation, in which Mr. Pinckney had considered it all along)' there appears not only no reciprocity but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States, of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.'

We talk of receiving concessions, when we have made those of the greatest importance ourselves; we say that Great-Britain is at our feet, but we may hereafter find ourselves egregiously mistaken.

We are told we have gained much, but we cannot discover that we have gained anything. The great topicks of controversy, have been the colonial trade, and the immunity of the flag; we should be glad to know what advantages we have obtained, or are likely to obtain upon these subjects. Or in what respects has Great-Britain relinquished the most minute commercial advantage to this country? She has not relinquished one. Her claims in respect to the colonial trade, are manifestly unjust; but we have not obtained any relief on this subject. Why then are the exultations of the democrats so very high toned, when we are in no respect better situated than we might have been a year ago, if we had adopted the federal policy?

WE are rapt in frequent astonishment at the profundity of the editorial remarks in the Chronicle. The general principles of politicks and the laws of nations or of truth are to be sure very seldom regarded, they are viewed with dignified disdain, and if ever approached, are kept at a convenient distance; but yet the observations are in themselves so original, and hurry the mind along in so copious a current of imagination, that though you often cannot grant a ready assent to the reasoning, the conclusions which result are certainly irresistible. We shall offer from the Chronicle of Thursday, some examples of the style, intelligence and profound thinking to which we have alluded.There is one paragraph which is couched in the following manner :

The reconciliation between the United States and England is an act which appears to please all parties; the first thing of the kind which has occurred for a great while, and is certainly very honourable for the administration.'

so readily observe the art with Instead of declaring it an act

Common readers perhaps will not which this sentence is constructed. which pleases all parties,' the author was determined not to commit himself, so he qualifies it thus, appears to please all parties;' it may

be, says he to himself, that we hereafter may become dissatisfied with the arrangement, and this opinion will be cast in our teeth. The writer proceeds: the first thing of the kind which has occurred for a great while.' This must be generally admitted to be profound. What thing of the kind does the writer mean? Why the reconciliation. The reconciliation then, is a thing of some kind, but what that kind is, must be discovered in some other part of the paper. It is a something which has before occurred, but that happened a great while ago; therefore, the something which occurred a great while ago' is the thing, of which the present reconciliation is a kind.

Another instance of profound remark is to be discovered in a communication signed South Abington, in which the writer, after mentioning that the federalists by their exertions of sophistry and misrepresentations have elected' Mr. Gore as chief magistrate of Massachusetts, makes this declaration; by similar means they have succeeded in the election of a Lieutenant Governour and Senators, a majority of whom will undoubtedly second any motion that shall be originated by his excellency to increase their popularity and heighten the prosperity and happiness of their constituents.' It would undoubtedly be singular indeed, that any motion should be originated by his Excellency in the Senate of Massachusetts, where he has no power or legal authority; but it is much more singular that a majority of this very Senate should have it advanced as a charge against them, that they would' second any motion' which shall be originated to heighten the prosperity and happiness of their constituents.' Does the writer mean to infer that a democratick majority would destroy or diminish that pròsperity and happiness?"

The same writer remarks that the federalists have accused the government of partiality towards the belligerent powers.' We never heard of their partiality to more than one of the belligerent powers; where the other partiality is to be found, remains to be decided by this writer; yet he proceeds to declare that all of which observations have been proclaimed and reproclaimed in most if not all the federal prints from Maine to Georgia.' Now, though we should defy them to produce these federal papers, where this partiality to the belligerent powers' has been thus proclaimed and reproclaimed, yet we have no doubt they would shelter themselves under the impenetrable shield of profundity and incomprehensibility, to which we have just alluded.

MUSICK.

THE peculiar characteristicks of this science are many, and foreign authors have vied with each other in producing sounds and effects the most striking; we cannot however avoid passing encomiums upon real merit whether assisted by nature or art.

The Irish muse has been particularly successful in affording a peculiar wildness in notes, tones and transitions: if excellence of composition is estimated by the effect on the mind, or its influence over the heart, the Irish melodies graduate to a high degree. Carolan was wonderfully happy in his effusions; great conception, exquisite feeling, and his flights of fancy combined with his genius, will ever entitle him to that celebrity which his countrymen have universally bestowed.→ He was an itinerant bard of much eminence, and considered as the Anacreon of his country; his 'Smee Shum Lourther an noig Whnee Planaty Power,' or 'Leave me not Love,' and Mas think no Shlaun la Warlagh me,' or 'Oh let me hush thy tender fears,' are two Airs that in their native country spread the light of song over the gloom of unillumined ignorance,' and in their tendency soften the ferocity of uncivilized heroism. The musick and poetry of the Irish are analagous, and their sounds faithfully echo their sense; the difficulty of attempting English translations to Irish melodies is universally acknowledged, but the success which Mr. Hewitt has met with, in endeavouring to harmonize several favourite airs from the Irish bard, deserves not only commendation, but entitles him to the respect of every amateur in the science of musick. The facility with which he has arranged the wildness of the melodies of the Bards of Erin, seem to have been executed with a degree of taste and elegance rarely to be met with in this, and seldom in the European world.

The lovers of musick anxiously expect the return of this gentleman to this metropolis, in the ensuing autumn, that they may be afforded an opportunity of bestowing upon real merit its due reward.'

LITERARY NOTICES.

JOHNSON'S WORKS.

Messrs. Oliver C. Greenleaf and Edward Cotton intend to publish the works of Doctor Johnson, in eight octavo volumes; they will issue proposals immediately.

The works of Johnson are a necessary appendage to the library of every English gentleman and scholar; and it is rather singular that they have never until now been offered for publication in the United States. The Rambler, the Lives of the Poets, and the Notes on Shakespeare, have indeed been severally published in this country; but to the admirers of the great moralist, it seems necessary to preserve all his writings in a body, that they may be unfolded at one view. The writings of Doctor Johnson are marked by an original cast both in thought and expression, which have distinguished him, as one of the most extraordinary men which his age or country has produced. The