because they are intrinsically defective. The plausibility of political vice, like a base coin, will not readily be detected without analysis. By the seductive appearance of the wanton, she oftentimes eludes the discovery of her abandoned profligacy; particularly when she excites the passions. We have every thing to lose by this election, our comfort, importance, honour, and political security. The inextricable confusion,' which would ensue from it, would involve us in perpetual uproar. The times therefore, demand the exertions of all our influence, all our talents, and all our resources, to arrest the progress of fatal delusion in political opinions, and the influence of such variable winds of doctrine, as may swing the state government from her moorings. The arguments, the cavils, the insinuations, the misrepresentations, the falsehoods of our opponents, should be answered with fairness, repelled with truth, opposed with dignity, and controverted by facts. The late fortunate events, which have taken place in regard to our most vital interests with foreign powers, will be turned to party misrepresentations and exaggerations, and produce their full quota of errours and lies in the democratick papers. We shall consider it a permanent duty to undertake the consideration and refutation of all such palpable errours, subtle insinuations, and petty arts, of which, by what we have already observed, we are soon to discover an ample quantity. That the dignity and utility of this employment may not be denied; let it be recollected that the very Lord Grenville, now so much extolled by democracy, was formerly engaged in a work, together with Mr. Canning, the express object of which was to refute the falsehoods, unfold the baseness, and expose the cunning of the papers in opposition to Mr. Pitt. Though the success of the ANTI-JACOBIN, in England, may perhaps afford no security of the success of a similar attempt in this country, from various reasons, yet it is manifest, that the multiplied falsehoods, with which the democratick columns are polluted, require as effectual a remedy as ever they did in that country, and perhaps have as powerful an influence upon publick opinion. It may be thought necessary to confine ourselves generally to such subjects as may have an immediate influence on the approaching election; but we shall expose errours on general politicks or which relate to more remote events, as well as such as call for our immediate interference.

AUSTRIAN AND FRENCH TROOPS.

THE cloud of war which begins to rise in the western horizon of Europe, has perhaps already burst upon the countries it overshadows, in a torrent of desolation and carnage. The Austrian armies under the Arch-Duke Charles, one of the best generals of the day, under a new system of tacticks, which that officer has introduced since the last unhappy contest in Germany, from which anxious Europe has fruitlessly expected her emancipation and her safety, are probably at this moment struggling against the victorious forces of Napoleon. Austria has not been able to exist as an independent state, since the treaty of Luneville, the dismemberment of the coalition in 1805-6; or rather the want of affinity and cohesion in its very materials, has placed her in a situation in which she cannot exist without dishonour, and in which she cannot continue to exist without manifest danger. Notwithstanding the predictions of Gentz, in 1806, that the unconquered powers of Europe' are no longer at liberty to run counter to their interests, and the confederacy must continue to exist from the nature and force of things, yet Austria alone, of the powers then unconquered, seems the only one willing to resist the concentrated torrent of the French power.

If she had risen with all her might six months ago, the desponding world could then have hoped for success; the Spanish patriots would then have been materially relieved from the pressure of the whole weight of the French empire, and Europe might be again reanimated and awakened from the sleep of death. Our hopes are now feeble indeed, and the abilities of the Arch-Duke, the new system of tacticks, the necessity of aggressive hostility with which Austria must be impressed, together with our most ardent desires and impressions of the justice of her cause, cannot afford a gleam of expectation by which they can be enlivened. When the energy of one man is considered, who wields the most formidable power which the modern world has ever seen; when we think of the promptitude and decision with which this power is made to operate; and on the other hand, the weakness of a distracted cabinet, the inferiour numbers of the Austrian troops, and their continual defeats, when opposed to the French, we find such drawbacks on our desires, that all

ideas derived from mere favourable aspect of the cause, are to the last degree sickly and inanimate. The following characteristicks of the Austrian, compared with French soldiers, extracted from a celebrated work, entitled Charactere des armés Européene, will perhaps be generally amusing at this critical moment.

• The French soldiers who are more active, more enterprizing and ready in availing themselves of every advantage of ground, will hang round bodies of men that are much more numerous than themselves; they molest, harass, and advance upon them by means of the smallest shelter. The Austrians, in the mean time, preserve their rank and file; but their oblique firing has not the least effect upon men who are either scattered about, or advantageously posted; while every discharge of the latter, being levelled at a considerable body, cannot fail of telling. When the Austrians advance, the riflemen withdraw, but return to the charge as soon as the Austrians retire again: the Austrian troop is thus harassed by an enemy that keeps out of its reach, and whose numbers, upon looking at the extent of ground which they occupy, appear more considerable than they really are. This method of fighting continues until the losses they have experienced, and the inutility of resistance, produce discouragement and confusion; and at length, the troops, overwhelmed with fatigue, and thrown into disorder, either disperse, or Jay down their arms. The French who would not have dared to meet these same Austrians in open field, have often defeated and taken thousands of them with some hundreds of men only; for the instant their ranks are broken, the Austrians become like a flock of sheep dispersed, and incapable of reuniting. The coolness of the Austrian is inexplicable. The humiliation of surrendering their arms does not seem to af fect them any more than the dangers of a battle. One would suppose, in considering their indifference, that it was nothing but the finale of a pantomime or ballet. The Austrians carry their fear of being outflanked or turned, to a degree which is at once ridiculous and extravagant; it might indeed be called a national disorder or weakness. They fancy themselves outflanked, or enveloped at the very moment in which they might surround those who have had the rashness to outrun them. This excessive apprehension disconcerts their plans, and drives them to retrograde movements at a time when, in order to beat the enemy, they have only to advance upon him.”

COUNTER OPINIONS.

THE opinions of the Ex-President ADAMS in relation to the French people and the British government have produced very high-strained compliments from the democratick leaders.

He

is now the patriot without stain or reproach, who formerly was a "hoary-headed incendiary." If he has changed his principles, let those, who admired his firmness and energy in 1798, seriously enquire whether, when he was in the full and vigorous enjoyment of his faculties, he was not probably as correct in his opinions, as at this moment, when he can condescend to reply to two obscure democrats in Northampton, whom he had never seen in his life. Here follows some extracts from the opinions of Mr. Adams, after the return of our ambassadours from the French Republick.

As I have ever wished to avoid as far as prudence and necessity would permit, every concealment from my fellow citizens, of my real sentiments, in matters of importance, I will venture to ask you whether it is consistent with the peace we have made, the friendship we have stipulated, or even with civility, to express a marked resentment to a foreign power who is at war with another, whose ill will we experience every day, and who will, very probably in a few weeks, be acknow!ed an enemy in the sense of the law of nations? A power too, which invariably acknowledged us to be a nation for fifteen years; a power that has never had the insolence to reject our ambassadours ; a power that at present convoys our trade and their own at the same time.'

The power, which he here so highly extols, is that very Great Britain, which he now so violently denounces. Observe what he says of France.

"For delaying counsels, the constitution has not made me responsible; but while I am entrusted with my present powers, and bound by my present obligations, you shall see no more delusive negociations. The safe keeping of American independence is in the energy of its spirit and resources. In my opinion, as well as yours, there is no alternative between war and submission to the Executive of France.'

"If the French will become the enemies of all mankind, by forcing 'all nations to follow their example, in the subversion of all the political, religious, and social institutions, which time, experience, and freedom have sanctioned, they ought to be opposed by every country, that has any pretensions to principle, spirit, or patriotism.'

'The real question before us seems to be, whether we shall involve ourselves in an unjust and unnecessary war of offence against one nation,-Or, be involved by the fraud and violence of another, in a juft and necessary war of defence.-Besides, how many nations who have never injured, insulted or offended us are we to assist or contribute to destroy?"

ADVERSARIA.

Quid est, quod negligenter scribamus adversaria ?—CIC.

PRAYERS.

I WISH that some of our clergymen, who are habituated to praying "an hour by the dial," would commit their prayers to memory, or to writing. In either case, an immense saving of time would be the consequence. Though I am no churchman, and hate the reading of prayers in publick worship, yet I would prefer a simple written form to an extemporaneous one, which is lengthened out with frequent tiresome pauses, and made dis gusting by the most absurd and tautological repetitions, till dulness can no louder snore. Such prayers, instead of kindling, extinguish the flame of devotion. Instead of fixing the mind " on heaven and things above," they excite but little attention even among the most sober-minded of the hearers; and are fit objects for ridicule and laughter amongst those who are less devout.

A

If a clergyman, from want of words or of thought, is obliged to repeat the same prayer six TIMES a day, why not give it to his people in writing, and let every one read it for himself? This method would at least have one advantage-if his imagination should wander from the subject, it would be in the power of some of the congregation to set him right. It would, also, shorten the usual time of publick worship one third and surely this time might be more profitably spent in any other manner or place, than in the indulgence of peevishness of temper or levity of conduct in the HOUSE OF GOD.

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This subject is recommended to the serious contemplation of those whom it may concern.