The next effect of the embargo upon Great-Britain, he proceeds to state, is its deducting from her revenue annually 600,000 dollars; that being the amount of the duty of 4 per cent. on the manufactures sent to the United States. He next considers the consequences of drawing → out of employ 50,000 manufacturers; which he affirms can be nothing. less than a heavy charge upon that nation: which, oppressed as they are already with taxes, must be viewed as a dreadful calamity, Mr. Giles then remarks, with singular ingenuity and quaintness, that "all these considerations must present strong inducements to Great-Britain to revoke her hostile orders; but she has hitherto refused so to do." This leads him into an examination of the causes of this refusal; which he principally attributes to our internal discontents, exaggerated through the medium of opposition papers; but he considers it may in some measure be caused by the revolution in Spain. However, this latter idea loses its force, when he considers Mr. Canning's conduct after he had heard of our own dissentions. He then views the consequences of the embargo as respects France, and though he considers that she is not coerced by it nearly so much as> Great Britain, yet he undertakes to say she is affected a great deal. He speaks of the blockade of the West-India islands and their want of pros visions in consequence of it; touches lightly upon its effects upon Spain and olland, at the time of its adoption in alliance with France, and throws out a sly insinuation that it might have had some operation in the evacuation of Portugal by the French army. Which latter cir cumstance, we think, produces an argument in favour of coercing Great-Britain of wonderful efficacy and ingenuity. He defends the French Emperor from the suggestion which he is said to have made in favour of this measure, by saying that he viewed it as all politicians throughout Europe considered it, that is, with sin gular complacency. Which idea of Napoleon, he does not seem to imagine, places any obstacle to the fact of its injuring him all the time he is praising it. He concludes this branch of the discussion by the following result : "That the embargo laws have not been without materially beneficial effects upon both the belligerents; that they have presented strong appeals to the interests of both; but that these appeals have not produced their complete effect." And this effect, he further observes, has only failed from extraordinary events, which could not possibly have been foreseen at the adoption of the measure. The close of his speech is made up of replies to Messrs. Hillhouse, Lloyd, and others; but with them, we at present have nothing to do. What we have abstracted is the sum and substance of Mr. Giles' defence of the embargo policy. It appears plainly from the whole of his vindication, that Mr. Giles rests his defence of the measure, upon the two broad grounds assumed by the administration ; viz, Ift. That it operated as a precaution, in saving our merchandize, ships and seamen from the gripe of aggressing belligerents; and ad. That, presenting most powerful appeals to the interests of our enemies, it was a measure of coercion, calculated to produce great national concessions in our favour. We shall not here attempt to close the argument of Mr. Giles by blocking it with a question of constitutional right; nor notice in par ticular the insolence of his reasonings on a question of continuance, which properly applied to the question of adoption; considering that at the time of adoption it was hurried through without either reason or decorum. We are willing to contemplate the subject on the grounds he has assumed, and our inquiries, we fear, will not lead us to any very satisfactory.conclusion. We are willing to admit that indications were evident, at the time this measure was passed, on the part of Great-Britain that she was about to retaliate on France for the Berlin decree of Nov. 21; but govern ment, not having any official account of them, the British orders in council did in fact make no part of the reasons for determining in favour of the embargo. We are willing also to admit the measure to have been wise, so far as it conduced to calling in our ships, and giving us time to prepare a more efficient system of defence; but no fur ther. The time at which its benefits accrued has long ago expired> and when Mr. Giles offers as a present argument for the continuance of the policy, what was only good twelve months ago, we oppose him at the very outset of the discussion. If the embargo did then operate as a precaution; at present it has a contrary effect, and the longer it com tinues, that effect is likely to be increased. The objects of precaution were merchandize, vessels and seamen. Mr. Giles admits the seamen to have departed from the country, but in limited numbers; and we know they left it in consequence of the continuance of the embargo. The operation of precaution, in respect to them, is now directly revers ed; and as the length of its duration is admitted to increase the temptation to depart into other countries, the embargo now has evidently an opposite effect to that calculated upon at the period when it was laid. The importance of our seamen need not here be amplified to convince the present administration; since it has been their constant endeavour to make them the principal subject of difficulty in all our negociations with Great Britain. And we venture to affirm, without much risk of contradiction, that but for them and the ridiculous discussions of Mr. Madison about British deserters, our commerce would now have been unshackled by restrictions. Our merchandize and ships are the only objects of precaution then, to which the embargo can now have any application. And here Mr. Giles is obliged to confess that many of our merchants have been ruined in consequence of the fate of our ships and the extravagant duties they have been obliged to pay upon an enormous amount of inactive merchandize. Our domestick produce is partly perished. Commerce abroad is now forcing new channels of conveyance; and were the embargo raised to-morrow, our precaution would have ruined the merchant by unequal and unjust pressure; and he would never again be placed upon the advantageous ground on which he stood before the embargo was established, in consequence of the substitution of other carriers. The argument of precaution now is surely at an end, as applied to seamen, ships and merchandize. If merchants are willing to risk their property abroad under all the present restrictions of France and England; if there is a general spirit of disaffection in the commercial states, and if there are constant evasions of the laws, it is vain to persist in the measure on that ground. Experience is daily attesting the fallacy of the principle. The idea of presenting such appeals to the interests of the belligerent powers, as to induce them to alter their decrees and orders, which makes the second branch of Mr. Giles' defence, is perfectly absurd, on two grounds. First, because the measure was impotent as it respects our foreign relations, and because there are some inducements for believing the British government are favourable to its continuance; and second, because had it been evidently effective, the British nation would sustain a very pressing emergence before she would grant the high-handed principles of commerce for which our administration are contending. It may be also mentioned that the unaccommodating temper which the President and Mr. Madison have indicated towards Great-Britain, and their acquiescing deportment towards France, were too evident to the British ministry to induce a relaxation of a system, which, whatever might be its effects on that nation, certainly was more materially injurious to the citizens of the United States. (To be continued.) POETRY. FEW Complaints have been more frequently preferred and in every instance have been so well maintained, as that, which charges the present theatrical taste, with nonsensical and affected sentiment, hardstrained wit and frivolous repartee. The scene painter, and not the poet, seems to be the object of the greatest attention; and wild beasts, demons and angels the chief personages, to exhibit whom, the pageantry of the stage is contrived. To effect this desirable end, real dogs have been taught to plunge into real water before the audience; wildmen, wood-demons, spectres, caravans, sorcerers, giants, oracles, green, black, red and blue fiends, are put in requisition from known and unknown worlds; the scene painter and tailor are taught to manufacture them in legions, and they are then produced to frighten the young, and delight the full-grown children, who compose the audience, "How natural," exclaims a lady," is that hell represented; and then "that fiery fiend! the painter must surely have been familiar with such sights, or he never could have drawn them so truly." We really are unacquainted with any subject which requires more decisive exposure, than this tendency to applaud the marvellous and corrupt taste, by which modern authors are directed. The following parody of " Collins's Ode on the Passions," has the exposure of this perverted taste in view. The style is not very successfully laboured, nor is the parody remarkably close; yet the thoughts are some of them eminently happy, and others singularly humorous; but it is mainly to be commended for its beneficial tendency. We offer no other apology for introducing it than this, that the same taste which it is intended to expose has already spread very widely in America, and threatens to eradicate every principle of legitimate comedy which has ever been implanted in the country. COMEDY IN THE CAGE. AN ODE. "Ordine nullo Oscula dispensat natos suprema per omnes.” WHEN Comedy, poor dame was old, A vagrant strumpet and a scold, In the piazza took their stand: And as they oft had tried apart Ovid. 2 alou First Snip snap aim'd her skill to try, And giggling laugh'd she knew not why, Next enter'd puzzle-headed Plot, His limbs a fowler's net surrounded; Striving to tear each stubborn knot, He left" confusion worse confounded!" Then Bathos pour'd from brazen throat, But falling headlong in the ditch. But thou, Stage Loyalty, all boast and brag, Where'er the scene, or false or true, Still, still it prais'd the English nation, And from the gallery, box and pit Encore stood by and bawl'd out "hearts of Oak ;" Whilst Loyalty huzza'd and wav’d the British flag: And longer had he wav'd-but cleft in two His trembling lips the magick whistle blew, And dapper trees in new green clothes, All nodding "How d'ye do," in rows; And though sometimes, each loud applause between, "All this is mighty pretty," cried; "But tell me, gaudy painter, what "It has to do with me or Plot ?" Still Scenery lengthen❜d out his tether, And Europe, Asia, Afric, danc'd a jig together. Thy gambols, Farce, now high, now low, Were nought but war-whoop, stride and grin ; "Twas now philanthropy in Merchants' Row, And now a booted harlequin. With eyes upturn'd and hose unmended, Pale Sentiment a tub ascended, And from her methodistick throne, In piteous lamentable tone, |