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before or at the congress, shall render it necessary, in the opinion of the congress to take further steps, the inhabitants of this province will adopt such steps, and do all in their power to carry them into execution.

THIS extensive power we commit to the congress, for the sake of preserving that unanimity of counsel and conduct, that alone can work out the salvation of these colonies, with a strong hope and trust, that they will not draw this province into any measure judged by us, who must be better acquainted with its state than strangers, highly inexpedient. Of this kind, we know any other stoppage of trade, but of that with Great-Britain, will bc. Even this step we should be extremely afflicted to see taken by the congress, before the other mode above pointed out is tried. But should it be taken, we apprehend, that a plan of restrictions may be so framed, agreeable to the respective circumstances of the several colonies, as to render Great-Britain sensible of the imprudence of her counsels, and yet leave them a necessary commerce. And here it may not be improper to take notice, that if redress of our grievances cannot be wholly obtained, the extent or continuance of our restrictions may, in some sort, be proportioned to the rights we are contending for, and the degree of relief afforded us. This mode will render our opposition as perpetual

as our oppression, and will be a continual claim and assertion of our rights. We cannot express the anxiety, with which we wish the consideration | of these points to be recommended to you. We are persuaded, that if these colonies fail of unanimity or prudence in forming their resolutions, or of fidelity in observing them, the opposition by non-importation and non-exportation agreements will be ineffectual; and then we shall have only the alternative of a more dangerous contention, or of a tame submission.

UPON the whole, we shall repose the highest confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the ensuing congress and though we have, for the satis. faction of the good people of this province, who have chosen us for this express purpose, offered to you such instructions, as have appeared expedient to us, yet it is not our meaning, that by these or by any you may think proper to give them, the deputies appointed by you should be restrained from agreeing to any measures, that shall be approved by the congress. We should be glad the deputies chosen by you could, by their influence, procure our opinions hereby communicated to you to be as nearly adhered to, as may be possible: but to avoid difficulties, we desire that they may be instructed by you, to agree to any measures that shall be approved by the congress, the inhabitants

of this province having resolved to adopt and carry them into execution.-Lastly-We desire the deputies from this province, may endeavour to procure an adjournment of the congress, to such a day as they shall judge proper, and the appointment of a standing committee.

AGREED, that John Dickinson, Joseph Read, and Charles Thomson, be a committee to write to the neighbouring, colonies, and communicate to them the resolves and instructions.

AGREED, that the committee for the city and county of Philadelphia, or any fifteen of them, be a committee of correspondence for the general committee of this province.

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AN

ESSAY,* &c.

THE authority of parliament has within these

few years

years been a question much agitated; and great difficulty, we understand, has occurred, in tracing the line between the rights of the mother country and those of the colonies. The modern doctrine of the former is indeed truly remarkable; for though it points out, what are not our rights, yet we can never learn from it, what are our rights. As for example――Great-Britain claims a right to take away nine-tenths of our estates--have we a right

• This piece has been written in such haste, under so great indisposition, and amidst such a confusion of public affairs, that it is hoped, its inaccuracies will be looked upon with indulgence. If longer time could have been bestowed upon its correction, it would have been at least shorter, if not more exact. The first appointment of a committee to form a draught of instructions, was made on the fourth of last month. See note on the extract, dated the 18th of July.

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to the remaining tenth? No.-To say we have, is a "traiterous" position, denying her supreme legislature. So far from having property, according to these late found novels, we are ourselves a property.

WE pretend not to any considerable share of learning; but, thanks be to divine Goodness, common sense, experience, and some acquaintance with the constitution, teach us a few salutary truths on this important subject.

WHATEVER difficulty may occur in tracing the line, yet we contend, that by the laws of God, and by the laws of the constitution, a line there must be, beyond which her authority cannot extend. For all these laws are "grounded on reason, full of justice, † and true equity," mild, and calculated to promote the freedom and welfare of men.

These

PARLT. Deb. 7. 409. "What of that? Shall not we give judgment, because it is not adjudged in the books before? We will give judgment according and if there be no reason in the books, I will not regard them." Speech of Anderson, lord chief justice of the queen's bench, in the reign of Elizabeth. GOULDSB. REP. 96. edit. 1653.

to reason,

"It seems to me, that the natural justice, which is a duty of man, ought to be stiled the parent, and nourisher, of every other virtue: and assuredly, without this habit, a man can neither moderate his desires, nor be brave, nor wisc. For, it is a barmony, and peace, of the whole soul; with a full concert of words, and actions: and the dominion of such a habit may be rendered more conspicu

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