think there is the most imminent danger, in case of a change, that the people of this society will lose the exercise of those rights, which, tho' they ARE

INTITLED TO AS MEN, YET SUCH IS THE SITUA

TION OF HUMAN AFFAIRS, they with difficulty can find a spot on the whole globe where they are allowed to enjoy them. It will be an argument of some force I am afraid, that the church of England can never expect to raise its head among us, while we are encouraged, as it will be said, in dissention: but if an oath be made necessary for obtaining offices, of honour and profit; it will then be expected that any of the people called Quakers who are tempted to renounce their principles, will undoubtedly make an addition to the established church.

Ir any other consideration than that which has been mentioned, was regarded in granting that indulgence in the Jerseys, tho' no other is exprest, it seems not improbable, that the nearness of this province might have had some weight, as from its situation it afforded such strong temptations to the inhabitants of the Jerseys to remove hither, had they been treated with any severity.

THEIR government in some measure was formed in imitation of our government; but when this is altered, the English constitution must be the model, by which it will be formed.

HERE it will be said, "this cannot be done but by the parliament; 'and will a British parliament do such an act of injustice, as to deprive us of our rights ?" This is the second argument, used to prove the safety of the measures now proposed.

CERTAINLY the British parliament will not do what they think an unjust act: but I cannot persuade myself, that they will think it unjust, to place us on the same footing with themselves. It will not be an easy task to convince them, that the people of Pennsylvania ought to be distinguished from all other subjects, under his majesty's immediate government; or that such a distinction can answer any good purpose. May it not be expected that they will say, "No people can be freer than our"selves; every thing more than we enjoy is licen"tiousness, not liberty: any indulgencies shewn 66 to the colonies heretofore, were like the indul"gencies of parents to their infants; they ought to cease with that tender age; and as the colo"nies grow up, to a more vigorous state, they ought to be carefully disciplined, and all their "actions regulated by strict laws.Above all

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things it is necessary, that the prerogative should "be exercised with its full force in our American provinces, to restrain them within due bounds, " and secure their dependence on this kingdom."

The subsequent conduct of Great Britain, has fully evinced her resolution to adhere to such political maxims as these.

I AM afraid, that this will be the opinion of the parliament, as it has been in every instance, the undeviating practice of the ministry.

But, sir, it may be said, "these reasons are not "conclusive, they do not demonstratively prove, "that our privileges will be endangered by a change." I grant the objection: but what stronger reasons, what clearer proofs are there, that they will not be endangered by a change.

THEY are safe now; and why should we engage in an enterprize that will render them uncertain? If nothing will content us but a revolution brought about by ourselves, surely we ought to have made the strictest inquiries what terms we may expect; and to have obtained from the ministry some kind of security for the performance of those terms.

THESE things might have been done. They are not done. If a merchant will venture to travel with great riches into a foreign country, without a proper guide, it certainly will be adviseable for him to procure the best intelligence he can get, of the climate, the roads, the difficulties he will meet with, and the treatment he may receive.

I PRAY the house to consider, if we have the slightest security that can be mentioned, except

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opinion (if that is any) either for the preservation of our present privileges, or gaining a single advantage from a change. Have we any writing? have we a verbal promise from any minister of the crown? We have not. I cannot therefore conceal my astonishment, that gentlemen should require a less security for the invaluable rights of Pennsylvania, than they would demand for a debt of five pounds. Why should we press forward with this unexampled hurry, when no benefit can be deriv ed from it? Why should we have any aversion to deliberation and delay, when no injury can attend them?

It is scarcely possible, in the present case, that we can spend too much time, in forming resolutions, the consequences of which are to be perpetual. If it is true, as some aver, that we can now obtain an advantageous change of our government, I suppose it will be also true next week, next month, and next year: but if they are mistaken, it will be early enough, whenever it happens, to be disappointed, and to repent. I am not willing to run risques in a matter of such prodigious importance, on the credit of any man's opinion, when by a small delay, that can do no harm, the steps we are to take may become more safe. Gideon, tho' he had conversed with an "angel of the Lord" would

not attempt to relieve his countrymen, then sorely opprest by the Midianites, least he should involve them in greater miseries, until he was convinced by two miracles that he should be successful. I do not say, we ought to wait for miracles; but I think we ought to wait for something, which will be next kin to a miracle; I mean, some sign of a favourable disposition in the ministry towards us. 1 should like to see an olive leaf at least brought to us, before we quit our ark.

PERMIT me, sir, to make one proposal to the house. We may apply to the crown now, as freely as if we were under its immediate government. Let us desire his majesty's judgment on the point,* that has occasioned this unhappy difference between the two branches of the legislature. This may be done without any violence, without any hazard to our constitution. We say the justice of our demands, is clear as light; every heart must feel the equity of them.

Ir the decision be in our favour, we gain a considerable victory; the grand obstruction of the

*This point was one of the stipulations approved by the crown, in favour of the proprietors, with respect to the taxation of their estate. The governor, one branch of the legislature, insisted upon inserting in the bill then under consideration, the words of the stipulation; and thus adhered to the stipulation. The house of assembly, the other branch of the legislature, insisted upon taxing the proprietary estate, without being thus bound.