of, that surprizing must our behaviour appear to all men, if in the instant when we apply to his majesty for relief from what we think oppression, we should discover a resolute disposition to deprive him of the uncontroverted prerogatives of his royal dignity.

Ar this period, when the administration is regulating new colonies, and designing, as we are told, the strictest reformations in the old, it is not likely that they will grant an invidious distinction in our favour. Less likely is it, as that distinction will be liable to so many, and such strong constitutional objections; and when we shall have the weight both of the clergy and ministry, and the universally received opinions of the people of our mother country to contend with.

I mean not, sir, the least reflection on the church of England. I reverence and admire the purity of its doctrine, and the moderation of its temper. I am convinced, that it is filled with learned and with excellent men: but all zealous persons, think their own religious tenets the best, and would willingly

Some late acts of parliament shew WHAT STRICT REFORMATIONS are to be made in the colonies.

see them embraced by others. I therefore apprehend, that the dignified and reverend gentlemen of the church of England, will be extremely desirous to have that church as well secured, and as much distinguished as possible in the American colonies; especially in those colonies, where it is overborne, as it were, by dissenters. There never can be a more critical opportunity for this purpose than the present. The cause of the church will besides be connected with that of the crown, to which its principles are thought to be more favourable, than those of the other professions.

WE have received certain information, that the conduct of this province which has been so much censured by the ministry, is attributed to the influence of one religious society. -We also know, that the late tumultuous and riotous proceedings, represented in so strong a light by the petition now before the house, have been publicly ascribed to the influence of another religious society. Thus the blame of every thing disreputable to this province is cast on one or the other of these dissenting sects. Circumstances! that I imagine, will neither be forgotten, nor neglected.

We have seen the event of our disputes concerning the proprietary interests; and it is not to be expected, that our success will be greater, when our

opponents become more numerous; and will have more dignity, more power, and as they will think, more law on their side.

THESE are the dangers, sir, to which we are now about to expose those privileges, in which we have hitherto so much gloried. Wherefore? To procure two or three, perhaps four or five hun dred pounds a year, (for no caculation has carried the sum higher) from the proprietors, for two or there or four or five years, for so long and something longer, perhaps, the taxes may continue.

not.

BUT are we sure of gaining this point? We are Are we sure of gaining any other advantage? We are not. Are we sure of preserving our privileges? We are not. Are we under a necessity of pursuing the measure proposed at this time? We

are not.

HERE, sir, permit me to make a short pause. Permit me to appeal to the heart of every member in this house, and to entreat him to reflect, how far he can be justifiable in giving his voice, thus to hazard the liberties secured to us by the wise founders of this province; peaceably and fully enjoyed by the present age; and to which posterity is so justly entitled.

BUT, sir, we are told there is no danger of losing our privileges, if our government should be changed, and two arguments are used in support of this opinion. The first is, "That the government of the crown is exercised with so much lenity in Carolina and the Jerseys."I cannot perceive the least degree of force in this argument. As to Carolina, I am not a little surprized, that it should be mentioned on this occasion, since I never heard of any privileges that colony enjoys, more than the other royal governments in America. The privileges of the Jerseys, are of a different nature from many of which we are possest; and are more consistent with the royal prerogative.

INDEED 1 know of none they have, except that the people called Quakers may be witnesses in criminal cases, and may bear offices. bear offices. Can this indulgence shewn to them for a particular reason, and not contradictory to the rights of the crown, give us any just cause to expect the confirmation of privileges directly opposite to those rights, and for confirming which no such reason exists. But perhaps the gentlemen, who advance this argument, mean, that we shall purchase a change at a cheap price, if we are only reduced to the same state with the Jerseys Surely, sir, if this be their meaning, they entirely forget those extraordinary privileges, which some time ago were mentioned.

How many must we in such a case renounce ? I apprehend, it would prove an argument of little consolation to these gentlemen, if they should lose three fourths of their estates, to be told, that they still remain as rich as their neighbours, and have enough to procure all the necessaries of life.

IT is somewhat remarkable, that this single instance of favour in permitting an affirmation instead of an oath, in a single province, should be urged as so great an encouragement to us, while there are so many examples of another kind to deter us. In what royal government besides the Jerseys, can one of the people called Quakers be a witness in criminal cases, and bear offices?* In no other. What can be the reason of this distinction in the Jerseys? Because in the infancy of that colony, when it came under the government of the crown, there was, as appears from authentic vouchers, an ABSOLUTE NECESSITY from the scarcity of other proper persons, to make use of the people called Quakers in public employments. Is there such a necessity in this province? Or can the ministry be persuaded, that there is such a necessity? No, sir, those from whom they will receive their information, will grant no such thing; and therefore I

• It is said, that a Quaker was lately committed to goal in New-York, because he would not swear in a criminal case.