If we express our desire for the preservation of our privilges, in so general or faint a manner, as may induce the king to think, they are of no great consequence to us, it will be nothing less than to betray our country.

Ir on the other hand we inform his majefty, "that tho' we request him to change the government, yet we insist on the preservation of our privileges," certainly it will be thought an unprecedented stile of petitioning the crown, that humbly asks a favour, and boldly prescribes the terms, on which it must be granted.

How then shall we act? Shall we speak, or shall we suppress our sentiments? The first method will render our request incoherent: the second will render it dangerous. Some gentlemen are of opinion, that these difficulties may be solved, by intrusting the management of this affair to an agent: but I see no reason to expect such an effect. I would first observe, that this matter is of too prodigious consequence to be trusted to the discretion of an agent.—But if it shall be committed by this house, the proper guardian of the public liberties, to other hands, this truth must at some time or other be disclosed, "that we will never consent to a change, unless our privileges are preserved." I should be glad to know, with what

finesse this matter is to be conducted. Is the agent to keep our petition to the crown in his pocket, till he has whispered to the ministry? Will this be justifiable? Will it be decent? Whenever he ap→ plies to them, I presume, they will desire to know his authority for making such an application. Then our petition must appear; and whenever it does appear, either at first or last, that and the others transmitted with it, I apprehend, will be the foundation of any resolutions taken in the king's council.

THUS, in whatever view this transaction is considered, shall we not still be involved in the dilemma already mentioned," of begging a favour from his majesty's goodness, and yet shewing a distrust that the royal hand, stretched out at our own request for our relief, may do us an injury?"

LET me suppose, and none can offer the least proof of this supposition being unreasonable, that his majesty will not accept of the government, clogged, as it will be said, with privileges inconsistent with the royal rights: how shall we act then? We shall have our choice of two things: one of them destructive: the other dishonourable. may either renounce the laws and liberties framed and delivered down to us by our careful ancestors: or we may tell his majesty with a surly discontent,

We

"that we will not submit to his implored protection, but on such conditions, as we please to impose on him." Is not this the inevitable alternative, to which we shall reduce ourselves?

In short, sir, I think the farther we advance in the path we are now in, the greater will be the confusion and danger in which we shall engage ourselves. Any body of men acting under a charter, must surely tread on slippery ground, when they take a step that may be deemed a surrender of that charter. For my part, I think the petitions that have been carried about the city and country to be signed, and are now lying on the table can be regarded in no other light, than as a surrender of the charter, with a short indifferent hint annexed of a desire, that our privileges may be spared, if it shall be thought proper. Many striking arguments may in my opinion be urged, to prove that any request made by this house for a change, may with still greater propriety be called a surrender. The common observation, "that many of our privileges do not depend on our charter only, but are confirmed by laws approved by the crown," I doubt will have but little weight with those, who will determine this matter.

It will readily be replied," that these laws were founded on the charter; that they were calculated

for a proprietary government, and for no other; and approved by the crown in that view alone: that the proprietary government is now acknowledged by the people living under it, to be a bad government; and the crown is intreated to accept a surrender of it: that therefore by thus abolishing the proprietary government, every thing founded upon it, must of consequence be also abolished."

HOWEVER, if there should be any doubts in the law on these points, there is an easy way to solve them.

THESE reflections, sir, naturally lead me to con. sider the consequences that may attend a change of our government; which is the last point I shall trouble the house upon at this time.

Ir is not to be questioned, but that the ministry are desirous of vesting the immediate government of this province, advantageously in the crown. It is true, they do not choose to act arbitrarily, and tear away the present government from us, without our consent. This is not the age for such things. But let us only furnish them with a pretext, by pressing petitions for a change; let us only relinquish the hold we now have, and in an instant we are precipitated from that envied height -where we now stand. The affair is laid before the

parliament, the desires of the ministry are insinuated, the rights of the crown are vindicated, and an act passes to deliver us at once from the government of proprietors, and the privileges we claim under them.

THEN, sir, we who in particular have presented to the authors of the fatal change, this longwished for opportunity of effecting it, shall for our assistance, be entitled to their thanks-Thanks! which I am persuaded, every worthy member of this house would abhor to deserve, and would scorn to receive,

Ir seems to be taken for granted, that by a change of government, we shall obtain a change of those measures which are so displeasing to the people of this province that justice will be maintained by an equal taxation of the proprietary estates ———and that our frequent dissentions will be turned into peace and happiness.

THESE are effects indeed sincerely to be wished for by every sensible, by every honest man: but reason does not always teach us to expect the warm wishes of the heart. Could our gracious sovereign take into consideration, the state of every part of his extended dominions, we might expect redress of every grievance: for with the most implicit con,