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Effect of the acceptance in England

[1700-1 his signing the will a few weeks before his death could not have been an act done with freedom of will and mind. If therefore the testament was null and void, and the renunciations were in force, the right of the House of Habsburg was proved beyond all doubt. English writers upon the subject, among whom Daniel Defoe in his Two Great Questions considered was the most prominent, likewise denied the right of the Duke of Anjou, and dwelt more fully on the consequences which his succession would entail for England-especially the ruin of the commercial interests in the Mediterranean, the Baltic, the East and West Indies. They recommended the renewal of the alliance with the Emperor. Defoe became one of the principal advocates in England of a war against France; and when, on account of the above-mentioned pamphlet, he was reproached as being more Dutch than English in his feelings, he gave his answer in his grim satire The True-born Englishman, published in January, 1701, which gained him the confidence of William III.

Louis XIV himself did much to facilitate the task of William III and Heinsius, which consisted in bringing the nations of England and Holland to understand that their own interests were menaced by the Spanish kingship of Philip of Anjou. The famous words, “Il n'y a plus de Pyrénées," generally ascribed to King Louis, were indeed not spoken by him, but by the Spanish ambassador in Paris, who by the phrase merely meant to indicate the close relations between the two countries, caused by the accession of a Bourbon King in Madrid, without contemplating the thought of a total union between France and Spain. It was of more consequence, that, in December, 1700, Louis thought fit, with solemn expressions, to reserve the eventual rights of the new King of Spain to the Crown of France. Very likely even this did not imply anything beyond the wish to avert the result that a Prince of his House should be placed under a disability as to the succession in France, in case other claimants should fail. And even then, according to the opinion of Louis, it did not follow that his grandson would rule over the united kingdoms of France and Spain. The question for him was only to secure a King to France in any and every emergency, whatever might one day become of Spain; for, after all, France was nearer to his heart and always the principal object of his care. If this be a just, as it certainly is a benevolent, interpretation of the French King's actions, yet they were not very prudent, inasmuch as contemporaries might easily see in them a proof of his intention to prepare the total union of France and Spain.

For six months it was still doubtful whether peace or war would ensue on the last steps of Louis XIV. William had to observe the utmost caution towards the Parliament, opened in February, 1701. He had to deal with a Tory majority, little inclined for a new war, and so little dissatisfied with the succession of Philip of Anjou, that they thought it much preferable to the policy of the Partition Treaties. And, since

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these treaties, as indeed their character seemed to require, had been kept secret from Parliament, nay, even from part of the Ministry, they were now criticised in a very unfriendly manner in both Houses. The Commons resolved to impeach before the Lords several of the King's principal councillors, among whom were Portland and Somers, for the part they had taken in those treaties.

But the events and the rashness of Louis XIV were the best allies of William in his parliamentary campaign. In February, 1701, the fortresses in the southern Netherlands forming the Dutch Barrier against France had, in full peace and quite unexpectedly, been taken by French troops. The Dutch garrisons had, for the present, received orders to retire.

In March negotiations were opened at the Hague with the French Minister d'Avaux. They showed very speedily that France was not willing to make any concessions. Instead of the Treaties of Partition, the Peace of Ryswyk was to be the basis of any agreement between France and the Maritime Powers. No Dutch Barrier and no compensation for the Emperor would be granted.

In this condition of things William contrived in masterly fashion to draw advantages from his double position as English sovereign and as Stadholder General in Holland. He induced the States General, according to his wont, to be silent or to represent in writing the dangers which threatened both nations from Louis XIV. The consequence was that by degrees public feeling in England underwent a change. The English became aware that it was unwise to separate the policy of England from that of Holland; they began to see the dangers from the union of the French and Spanish navies; they heard that companies were being formed in France to turn to the best advantage the facilities of commerce with Spain; many pamphlets were written; and, as an expression of the widely prevalent feeling, the so-called "Kentish Petition" was delivered to the Commons, to implore them to have regard to the voice of the people, and to enable the King "powerfully to assist his allies before it is too late." The Lords, among whom the Whigs predominated, showed themselves more eager than the Commons to support the King in his foreign policy. But, as the Tories began likewise to see the necessity of a war against France, the Lower House ceased to withstand the demands of the whole nation; and, when Parliament had been prorogued on June 24, 1701, William could feel sure of every support for which he could wish in this quarter, in case of a breach with France. From this time forward William had no longer to be afraid of any serious opposition to his policy from the two nations whose destinies were entrusted to him. In July, 1701, the negotiations with the Emperor were opened in form at the Hague. Leopold had, for several months past, been endeavouring to bring about a renewal of the Grand Alliance of 1689, by the secret Article of which the Maritime Powers had been bound

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The Grand Alliance concluded

[1701

to support the Emperor and his line in their claims on the Spanish inheritance. But he was ready to renounce part of it, if only the balance of Europe were not disturbed. He wished to secure for his House the Italian possessions of the Spanish Crown. For the Maritime Powers, indeed, it was of greater consequence not to allow Spain herself and her transatlantic territories to fall under the control of France. Nevertheless, the negotiation was opened on a basis not greatly differing from the Emperor's standpoint. William and Heinsius wished that only the restitution of the Belgic Provinces and Milan might be demanded from Louis, so that this moderation might display their peaceful intention and convince the world, should these demands be refused, that war was unavoidable. The Austrians were not satisfied with such an arrangement. Belgium, they said, would be valuable as a barrier against France only for the States General; for the Emperor it would be an embarrassing task to govern these Provinces. And as to Italy, the security of the House of Austria's possessions would be endangered if it received only Milan, while Naples and Sicily were left to France. The Maritime Powers yielded to Leopold's demands, chiefly through the influence of Marlborough, who acted as English plenipotentiary in these negotiations. They consented that Austria should obtain the whole of the Spanish possessions in Italy; while the Emperor had to assent to the insertion in the Treaty of an Article by which any conquests that the Maritime Powers might make in the West Indies should be assured to them.

Such was the basis on which the Treaty of the Hague, called the Grand Alliance, was signed on September 7, 1701. In the second Article the three Powers declared that nothing was more essential to the establishment of the general peace than that the Emperor should obtain satisfaction for his claims to the Spanish Succession, and that England and Holland should for their part acquire security for their dominions and for the navigation and commerce of their subjects. These two principles contain the essence of the whole transaction. The coming War would, on the side of the Maritime Powers, be carried on in furtherance of their commercial interests, on the side of the Emperor for his political aggrandisement. And, although to him were assigned only the Italian possessions of Spain, yet he had no intention of hereby giving up his pretensions to the whole Spanish Succession. When, therefore, the two words "inter alia" had by mistake been left out in the Latin translation of the French text, the Austrian ambassador, Count Wratislaw, did not rest till they were added again. Belgium was to become a barrier for the security of the States General against France. Nothing was said of Spain proper; but the silence as to the main portion of Charles II's inheritance seemed practically to include the acknowledgment of Philip V, though the Emperor could not be expected to accord it in form. Indeed the doubtful tenour of the treaty left open the possibility of a demand being preferred at a later

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Louis XIV recognises "James III"

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date by the House of Austria for a larger share than that originally contemplated. An interval of two months from the day of exchanging the ratifications was to be allowed for securing, if possible, the ends of the treaty by amicable means. But nobody any longer believed in such a possibility. On the other hand, it is worth while to notice the similarity which existed between the articles of the Grand Alliance, and those of the Treaty of Utrecht, which set a final period to a European War of twelve years. A partition of the Spanish inheritance, not unlike that at which William III had aimed, proved ultimately to be the most satisfactory solution of the problem.

No sooner had the Grand Alliance been concluded, than Louis XIV took a further step by which, more than by any other, he aroused the hostile feelings of the people in England. In September, 1701, when the growing weakness of James II seemed to indicate his approaching end, Louis appeared at the death-bed of the exiled King, to announce the formal declaration that his royal friend might die without anxiety about his son, the Prince of Wales, since he, the monarch of France, was willing to acknowledge him as King of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Louis kept his promise. When James had died, his young heir, called James III by his adherents, was treated and honoured as King of England by the French monarch and his whole Court.

Notwithstanding all this, Louis had no intention of breaking the treaties or of provoking William III. Though since 1697 William had been acknowledged by French diplomacy as King of Great Britain, yet this acknowledgment had been given only implicitly, not expressly, by Article IV of the Treaty of Ryswyk between France and England, which provided that his Most Christian Majesty would not disturb the King of Great Britain in the free and full possession of his kingdoms. This form had been chosen in 1697, in order that it might be possible for King Louis to continue to give the title of King to James II for the future, as he had hitherto done. Now, in 1701, it was asserted on the French side that King Louis meant strictly to observe the said Article, and that the title of King of England, accorded to the son of James, would not secure to him any other support from France except what was needed for his mere subsistence - indeed, nothing beyond what had been granted to his father. There was, however, little probability that these arguments, artful as they were, would be understood in England. William himself was deeply mortified when he heard the news from St Germain. Being at table with some other persons, he pulled his hat over his eyes, so as to disguise his emotion. In England the patriotic indignation rose to a height which it had seldom reached. before. It was the year in which the Act of Settlement had declared the Protestant Succession a principle never to be abandoned. And now the King of France had ventured to demand that England should accept from his hand a Catholic sovereign, just as he had bestowed a King on

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England and the War

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Spain. In all parts of the kingdom meetings were held and resolutions passed to express the confidence of a loyal people in their King, and their willingness to assist him in his action.

In these circumstances the negotiations with France prescribed by Article III of the Grand Alliance were not so much as begun. No one any longer believed that peace could be preserved in Europe. Towards the end of his life, in his last Parliament, King William met with every support he cou! desire. He opened the session, as Tindal says, with the best speech that he, or perhaps any other Prince, had ever made to his people. It was answered by addresses of the two Houses, full of fervour and resolution. The Commons, moreover, in a special address required the King to add an article to the Treaties of Alliance, to the effect that no peace should be concluded with France until reparation was made for the indignity offered to the nation by the French monarch in declaring the Pretender to be King of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The forces of England, it was further resolved, were to be 40,000 soldiers, and the same number was voted for the sea service. In the spring of 1702 everything was prepared to guarantee the success for the coming War, in which England would be the leading Power. King William, indeed, did not live to see his life's work crowned by the humiliation of Louis XIV. But, when in March, 1702, he felt his last hour come, he said he had looked at death on all occasions without any terror; sometimes he would have been glad to have been delivered out of all his troubles; but he confessed that he now saw another scene, and could wish to live a little longer.