P: 45.

122.

IJ. p.

king hip, which was offered by his parlia

us

ment,

Ireland, dated 20th May, 1656, he fays, 'Bleffed be God, that all things remain quiett in Ireland; foe they doe alfoe here. Both is very much against the intentions of ⚫ enemies of all forts, who have their daily meetinges for begettinge trouble. The Spanyard, cavaleir, papifts ⚫ and levellers, are all come into a confederacy. What monstrous birth this wombe will bring forth, I cannot tell. They threaten hard, but I perceive they are not () Vol. v. yet quite ready. The commonwealths-men looke alfo for a fudden turne, and hope they shall play next (†).” In another letter written to the fame 16 June, 1656, he fays, Wee are yet very much troubled with the fifthmonarchy-men and the levellers, who have their conftant meetinge to put us in blood. By the levellers, I meane thofe, who pretend to a republique or popular forme of government.- -It is certain it doth behove to have a watchful eye upon that interest («).’———— There was reafon for it. Algernon Sydney (a name ever venerable!) called Cromwell, as he faid on his tryal, A tyrant every day of his life, and acted against him too (x).'—And to fuch a height of refentment had fome warm men of the party carried it, as to join with their old and fworn foes in order to deftroy him. The levellers, Mr. Thurloe tells the fame gentleman, in a letter dated December 9, 1656, are very buiffie, and are in perfect conjunction with the Kinge of Spayne. The part they have firft undertaken, is to affafinate my Lord Protector, and have laid the way of doing it. This I know with as much certeintye, as that your lordship is in Ireland. I truft the Lord will diffapoint them, as he hath done; but wee fee hereby (y) Vol. v. the fpirit of these men (3).'-With regard to his parliaments after his affuming the protectorate, they were compofed of men, a good part of whom were his ill-willers. In the debates, concerning Cromwell's accepting the crown, fome of the cavalier party, or rather their children, came to bear fome fhare. They

(x) Tryal, P. 33, Lond. Folio, 1684.

p. 694.

<

ment, a firmer fettlement and a milder admini

were then all zealous commonwealths-men, according to the directions fent them from thofe about the • King. Their bufinefs was to oppose Cromwell on all demands, and fo to weaken him at home, and expofe him abroad. When fome of the other party took notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they pretended their education in the court, and their obligation to it had engaged them that way; but now fince that was out of doors, they had the common principles of human nature and the love of liberty in them. By this means, as the old republicans affifted and protected them, fo at the fame time they ftrengthned the faction against Cromwell. But thefe very men ❝ at the restoration fhook off this difguife, and reverted to their old principles for a high prerogative and abfolute power. They faid they were for liberty, when it was a mean to distress one who they thought had no right to govern; but when the government returned to its old channel, they were fill as firm to all preroga(z) Burnet, tive notions, and as great enemies to liberty as ever (z).' vol. i. p. 70. -In certain conjunctures this may again happen, notwithstanding the fmooth talk of coalition or extinction of parties!

Mr. Maidfione fpeaking of the Protector's firft parliament, fays,The houfe confifting of many difobliged perfons (fome upon the king's account, and others upon a pretence of right to fit upon the former foundation, as not being legally, though forcea-> bly, diffolved; and others judging that the powers given by the inftrument of government to the Protector were too large; profeffing that though they were willing to trust him, yet they would not truft his fucceffors with fo large a jurisdiction) fell into high animofities; and after five months fpent in framing another inftrument inftead of the former (which they faid they could not fwallow without chewing) they were

• by

vol. i. p. 765.

ministration might have taken place: but his

moft

(a) Thurloe, by the Protector diffolved (a).' Mr. Whitlock informs us, That this parliament continued their debates touching the government, wherein many things were (poken, which gave great offence to the Protector and his council, and caufe of fufpicion that no good was to (8) P. 610. be expected from them (6). Many of these fame men, in fpight of court influence, were chosen in the next parliament, and Cromwell, that matters might go on the more fmoothly, ordered them to be denied admittance. In pursuance however of the bumble Petition and Advice, as before mentioned, they afterwards took their feats, and gave the Protector great vexation by fpurning at the new erected houfe of Lords, and controverting their title. I need not add that the government was continually alarmed with plots and confpiracies, and that juries were but ill difpofed to do juftice on ftate criminals.- -Thefe are fome of the chief arguments that may be urged in favour of the violent and illegal acts of Cromwell. His fituation and circumftances were perplexed and dangerous, and would be fecure himself, or those who depended on him, feverity and rigour feemed requifite. What would you have one in my station do? faid he to fome who talked to him about his exceffes and ufurpation. He was ⚫ well answered, fays Mr. Gordon, Sir, we would have nobody in your ftation. To vindicate murder conti• nues this writer, from the neceffity of committing it, in order to conceal robbery; is to argue like a murderer and a robber; but it is honeft logic, to reply, • Do not rob, and then you need not be tempted to murder; but if you will do one, and confequently both, remember that punishment does or ought to follow crimes, and the more crimes the more punishment. If, by a repetition of crimes, you become too mighty to be punished, you must be content to be ac⚫ curfed and abhorred as an enemy to human race; you muft expect to have all men for your enemies, as you

are

most intimate friends (AAAA) oppofing, he,

con

are an enemy to all men; and fince you make fport of the lives and liberties of men, you must not wonder, nor have you a right to complain, if they have all of (c) Difcourthem memories and feeling, and fome of them cou- fes on Tacirage and swords (c).' It would be injuftice how.ver to p. 207. Cromwell, not to add, that his feverities were but few, 12 0. and those exercised only on real criminals, as the laws Lond. 1753. then flood.

Cromwell
He had

(AAAA) He refused the offered kingfip.] was no enemy to the name or office of King. helped to pull down and punish Charles, but he was difpofed enough to fit on the throne. The times then would not bear it. But in a few years he thought feriously of the affair, and was inclined to try the experiment. Prudence however refrained him. But when he had got a parliament to his mind, as that called in 1656, in the beginning was, it was no longer to be deJayed. The fettlement of the nation was deliberated on, and a writing framed, which the parliament filed • The humble petition and advice of the parliament of England, Scotland and Ireland to his high ejs.

The

tus, vol. iv.

firft business of it was, fays Whitlock, for the Protector to have the title of King. This petition and advice was prefented to his highness by the house, and he defired that a committee might be appointed to confer with him about it (d). Accordingly a com- (4) P. 655, mittee was appointed, who on the 16th of pril, 1657, Had audience of his highnefs, and give him fuch reafons as he declared to be weighty, and to require deliberation, and therefore defired fome time till the next afternoon to give anfeer to them (e)" In thi (Journals,' conference it was urged by the lawyers, particularly by the lord chief juice G! nne, That the office of a King was a lawful office, and a title too, approved of by the word of God: that it was an office that had been exercifed in the nation, from the time of its

being a nation, and that there never had been a quarI i rel

contrary to his own inclinations and supposed

intereft,

rel with the office, but the male adminiftration. • The name of King, faid he, is a name known by the law, and the parliament doth defire that your high•ness would assume that title. These are the grounds why the parliament make it their humble advice and request to your highness, that you would be pleafed to ⚫ affume that title; and I think there is fomething more in it: you are now Lord Protector of the three nations by the Inftrument, and there is a claufe of this government that you fhould govern according to law, and your highness is fworn to that government. The parliament doth apprehend that it is almost impoffible for your highness to answer the expectation of the people to be governed by the laws, because you are fo tied up, that neither they can rationally call for it, nor you confcientiously do it, and fo there is neither Lord Protector, nor the people upon a fure establishment. For here ftands the cafe: a King hath run through so many ages in this nation, and hath governed the nation by that title and ftyle, that it is known to the law; for the law of the nation is no otherwife, than what hath been a custom to be practifed, as is approved by the people to be good. That's the law, and nothing elfe, excepting acts of parliament. And now they have been governed by that title, and by that minifter, and by that office, if fo be your highnefs fhould do any act, and one fhould come and fay, My Lord Protector, why are you fworn to govern by the law, and you do thus and thus as Lord Frotector?-Do I? Why how am I bound to do?--Why, the King could not have done fo.-- Why, but I am not King, I am not bound to do as the King, I am Lord Protector; fhew me that the law doth require me to do it as Protector; if I have not acted as Protector, fhew me where the law is.--Why you put any one to a ftumble in that cafe.

6

• This