(1) Jertin's

Thefe are the paffages which feem to deftroy the enthufiafm of Oliver; feem, I fay, to deftroy it-for allowing their truth, in my opinion, they do not in reality do it. For what do they prove, but that Cromwell fometimes talked inconfiftently with his principles? or being at times lefs under their power, he indulged himfelf in jefting and raillery, to which he was naturally prone? If two or three cafual expreffions are to determine a man's character in oppofition to his whole fpeech and behaviour, woe be to thofe who think themselves virtuous and good. Whoever will confider the times in which Oliver liv'd; the part he bore in the tranfactions of them; his real principles with respect to returns of prayer; and his opinion exprefs'd in his laft moments, will not be long at a lofs to determine about his real enthusiasm.

Remarks on

ecclefiaftical history,

vol. ii.

P. 370.

6

1. The times in which Oliver liv'd were times of reformation. Now a reformation is feldom carried on without a heat and a vehemence which borders upon enthusiasm; and as Cicero hath obferved that there never was a great man fine afflatu divino, fo in times of religious contefts, there feldom was a man very zealous for liberty civil and evangelical, and a declared and active enemy to infolent tyranny, blind fuperftition, political godlinefs, bigotry and pious frauds, who had not a fervency of zeal which led him on • fome occafions somewhat beyond the fober bounds of temperate reason. When men are thus difpos'd, and have animated each other, and are inflam'd by oppofition, perfecution, and ill ufage, they are ftrongly inclin'd to fufpect a divine interpofition, and to explain every ftrange appearance that way. The impetuofity fpreads far and wide, and feizes even upon children (/).”

Another ingenious writer fpeaking concerning these times obferves, That in the high ferment of national fpirit, not only did the animofities ufual amidst the flames of civil war, fpread violently, on both fides; but that which was peculiar to the complexion and temper of the people of that age; extravagant con

⚫ceits

ceits of a religious kind, operated in the most forcible manner imaginable. The crude mixture of religious and political opinions which is commonly found C among the bulk of a people, being then fhook to the very bottom; it was no wonder, that, together with the moft fhining inftances of military fkill and bravery, of penetrating fagacity and judgment in the management of particular conjunctures and events, of boldnefs, vigilance, and addrefs in planning and executing the most dangerous enterprizes; there may alfo be difcerned many evidences of a wild and enthufiaftic genius affecting the manners and actions of the (m) Nations ⚫ popular leaders (m).'

al spirit, confidered, as a natural

berty, p. 40.

2. Not only the times in which Oliver liv'd, but the characters he bore, and the great and furprizing ac- fource of tions he perform'd, will lead us very naturally to fup- political lipofe that he might really think himself under the divine gvo. Lond. guidance. The age of Cromwell was an age of won- 1758. 2d. ders. The king and his nobles were brought low; edit. the poor and the mean were exalted; the foolish things of the world confounded the wife, and the weak things of the world confounded the things which were mighty; and bafe things of the world, and things which were defpis'd, yea things that were not, comparatively, brought to nought things that were. No wonder things fo marvellous, were deem'd by him and others to be the Lord's doings in a peculiar manner, fince they were fo much out of the ufual courfe. And as to himself in particular, from fmall beginnings he had rofe to fuch heights of power and reputation, and done fuch very extraordinary things, that it must have been very difficult for a man of his conftitution, to have forborn thinking that he was perfonally favour'd by heaven in his undertakings. A magiftrate convinc'd of the being of a God and a Providence, and confcious that every purpose of his heart intends the honour of that God and the good of the people he governs, cannot help believing himself under the special care of the Deity. This flows from the very reafon and nature of things, and can never be otherwife: God, as furely as he exifts,

C 2

() Middle

ton's Tracts,

Lond. 1752.

This, however, fpoil'd not his good nature, nor rendered him four, morofe, or fe

vere.

On

exifts, muft neceffarily favour fuch a man, and every such man must as neceffarily be convinc'd that God does fo favour him.And fuch a perfwafion will always have more or less influence on the mind, as it falls in with a conftitution more or less inclin❜d to fuperftition or enthusiasm, which is apt to impute every laudable thought, and every fuccessful action to the fpecial fuggestion and affiftance of heaven (n).' 3. Cromwell's real opinion concerning returns of p. 2co. 4to. prayer will clearly fhew his enthufiafm. What follows may, I believe, be depended on. I had heard from feveral (and it had been confirm'd to me by Mr. Jeremy White, who liv'd at Whitehall at the very fame time with Mr. Howe) that the notion of a par⚫ticular faith in prayer, prevail'd much in Cromwell's court; and that it was a common opinion among them, that fuch as were in a special manner favour'd of God, when they offer'd up prayers and fupplica⚫tions to him for his mercies, either for themfelves or others, often had such impreffions made on their minds and fpirits by a divine hand, as fignify'd to them, not only in the general, that their prayers would be heard, and gracioufly answered, but that the parti'cular mercies that were fought for, would be certainly bestowed; nay, and fometimes alfo intimated to them in what way and manner they would be afforded; and pointed out to them future events before hand, which in reality is the fame as infpiration. Having heard of mischief done by the prevalence of this notion, I took the opportunity that offered, when there was nothing to hinder the utmost freedom, to enquire of Mr. Howe, what he had known about this matter, and what were his apprehenfions concerning it? He told me the prevalence of the no

་

• tion

On the contrary, from most indisputable

autho

tion that I mentioned at Whitehall, at the time when ' he lived there, was too notorious to be called in quef- / tion; and that not a little pains was taken to cultivate and fupport it; and that he once heard a fermon there, (from a perfon of note) the avow'd defign of which was to maintain and defend it. He faid he 6 was fo fully convinced of the ill tendency of such a principle, that after the hearing this fermon, he thought himself bound in confcience, when it came. next to his turn to preach before Cromwell, to fet ' himself industrioufly to oppofe it, and to beat down that fpiritual pride and confidence, which fuch fancied impulfes and impreffions were apt to produce and cherish. He told me, he observed that while he was in the pulpit, Cromwell heard him with great attention, but would fometimes knit his brows, and discover great uneafinefs. When the fermon was over, he told me a perfon of diftinction came to him, and afk'd him if he knew what he had done? and fignifyed it to him as his apprehenfion, that Cromwell would be fo incens'd upon that discourse, that he would find it very difficult ever to make his peace with him, or fecure his favour for the future. Mr. • Howe replyed, that he had but difcharged his confcience, and could leave the event with God. He told 'me he afterwards obferved, Cromwell was cooler in

(0) Calamy's life of Howe, P. 21. 8vo. Take it as Lond. 1724.

his carriage to him than before; and fometimes he ⚫ thought he would have spoken to him of the matter, but he never did, and rather chose to forbear (0).' 4. His difcourfe in his last sickness to his wife, plain-' ly manifefts the enthusiasm of his temper. related by his physician Bates. • Sed nec animo folum ægrotat; [he had been juft fpeaking of his domeftic vexations] febre fiquidem brevi poft laticâ & lentà corripitur, quæ tandem fpuriam in tertianam dege"neravit, Provecto per feptimanam morbo, abfque • ullis

C 3

authorities, we are affured, that he was

cour

ullis periculi indiciis, (utpote nunc iftam mali fpeciem, nunc aliam præ fe ferente;) ut ne prohiberet fecundo die ab ambulando forás. Poft prandium autem ⚫ accedentibus ad euin quinque quos habebat medicis, quidam ex tactu pulfum intermiliffe pronunciat: quo audito ille fubito confternatus ore pallet fudatiunculas patitur, & ferè deliquium, jubétque fe ad lectulum deportari; atque ibi cardiacis refocíllatus. fupremum ⚫ condidit teftamentum, fed de rebus privatis & domefticis. Manè fummo, cùm unus è cæteris vifitatum veniret, percontatur, quare vultus ei adeo triftis. Cumque refponderet, ità oportere, fi cui vitæ ac falutis ejus pondus incumberet; Vos (inquit) medici me creditis intermoriturum: dein cæteris amotis (uxorem manu complectens) ita hunc affatur, Tibi pronuncio, non effe mihi hoc morbo moriendum; hujus • enim certes fum. Et quia intentiori afpectantem 'oculo ad ifta verba cerneret, Tu me (inquit) nè credas infanire; verba veritatis eloquor, certioribus innixus quàm vobis Galenus aut Hippocrates vefter fuppeditat rationibus. Deus ipfe hoc refponfum precibus dedit non meis unius, verùm & eorum quibus arctius cum illo commercium & major familiaritas. Pergite alacres, excuffâ penitùs à vultu triftitia, méque inflar fervuli tractate. Pollere vobis licet pru dentia rerum; plus tamen valet natura quàm medici (p) Elenchi, fimul omnes; Deus autem naturam longiori fuperat intervallo (p). i. e. But all his diftemper was not in his mind alone; for fhortly after he was taken with a flow fever, that at length degenerated into a baftard tertian ague. For a weeks time the disease fo continued without any dangerous fymptoms, (as appearing fometimes one, and fometimes another kind of diflemper) that every other day he walked abroad: but after dinner his five phyficians coming to wait upon him, one of them having felt his pulfe,

pars zda.

p. 215.

• faid