to juftice. In order to which, as well as to accomplish his fchemes of power and

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P. 50.

provided for and accommodated, as he had used to be in any progrefs: the best gentlemen, of the several counties through which he paffed, daily réforted 'to him, without diftinction: he was attended by fome of his old trufty fervants in the places nearest his perfon and that, which gave him most encouragement to believe that they meant well, was, that in the army's address to the parliament, they defired that care might be taken for fettling the King's rights, according to the feveral profeffions they had made in ⚫ their declarations; and that the royal party might be ⚫ treated with more candour and lefs rigour and many good officers, who had ferved his Majefty faithfully, were civilly received by the officers of the army, and lived quietly in their quarters, which they could not do any where elfe; which raised a great reputation 'to the army throughout the kingdom, and as much reproach upon the parliament (1). What the confe- (t) Vol. v. quence of all this was, I have elsewhere, at large, thewn (u). Suffice it here to fay, that Charles might (a) Hiftorihave had reasonable good terms, his condition confi- tical Acdered, from Cromwell and Ireton; but, on refufing to count of the clofe with them frankly, he loft the opportunity he Charles L then had, and rendered them his moft avowed eneP. 388. mies. The fincerity of Cromwell, in his negotiations with the King at this juncture, is called in question, by a very late writer, in the following words: Had thefe 'been fincerely his fentiments [affection and regard for the King] he would never have altered them, "for the King gave him no occafion; fince it is clearly 'proved, that his final answer to the proposals which · were made him, not only spoke the fenfe of him and Ireton, as the King conceived it, but was altered by ⚫ their hands till it fatisfied themselves. Had he been 'really inclined to restore the King, he might have ⚫ done it now with a high hand; a great majority of

the

cal and Cri

Life of

nica, P. $552.

the parliament were for him; the city of London was • in their fentiments; the measures taken by the Scots, and the infurrections in feveral counties in his favour, fhew, that this was alfo the fenfe of the nation: if, 'therefore, lieutenant-general Cromwell had made ufe of his wonderful capacity, to difpofe the army not to any new defign, but to have performed their own promifes; he might have fettled the government upon (x) Biogra- its old foundation, and have made himself a very great phia Britan-man (x).' i. e. he might have been made Earl of Effex, and knight of the garter, things faid to be promifed him by the King, as well as the advancement (y) Flagel. of his fon, and his fon-in-law Ireton, to pofts of high lum, p. 55. honour and dignity (y). I will not warrant what is here faid concerning the honours promised to Cromwell and his family the writer, from whom I quote it, is of too little authority to have any great ftrefs laid on his unfupported narrative; nor will I make any remarks on the reafonings juft recited, any farther than to obferve, that Cromwell had probably fufficient caufe to alter his fentiments, with refpect to the expediency of concluding a peace with Charles, and reinftating him in his power. Sufficient caufe he had, I fay, for this: for his treaty with the King was very ill refented by the agitators, after Charles had fo long dallied with the army, and neglected to comply with the terms proposed for his fafety and reftoration. Cromwell had got the better of these men, indeed, at the rendezvous at Ware, by the death of one, and making prifoners of others. But their spirit was unconquerable. Two thirds of the army had been fince with Ireton and Cromwell, to tell them, that, though they were certain to perish in the enterprize, they would leave nothing unattempted to bring the whole army to their fenfe; and that, if all failed, they would make a divifion in the army, and join with any who would affift them in the de• ftruction of thofe that should oppofe them.'-Upon this

bold

addreffes to his Majefty; defeated the Welch
and

bold declaration 'tis faid Cromwell and Ireton argued thus:
If the army divide, the greater part will join with
the presbyters, and will, in all likelihood, prevail,
to our ruin, by forcing us to make our applications to
the King, wherein we fhall rather beg than offer any
affistance, which, if the King should give, and after-
wards have the good fortune to prevail, if he fhould
then pardon us, it will be all we can pretend, and
more than we can certainly promife ourselves: there-
upon concluding, that, if they could not bring the
army to their fenfe, that it was beft to comply with
(z) Ludlow,
them, a fchifm being utterly deftructive to both (z).' vol. i. p.
Lord Helles, fpeaking of Cromwell's treaty with the 228.
King, owns the danger he was at length in from the
army on that account: The party [of the agitators]
would not give way to this [the agreement with his
Majefty]; hatred to the King, envy and jealoufies
against their afpiring leaders, and a violent defire of
having their work done at once, lay all perfons and
things level on the fudden, bring forth their mon-
ftrous conceptions at one birth, made them break out,
fly in their faces, difcover many of their villanies,
and, as appears by that bufinefs of Lilburn and Wild-
man, even refolve to take Cromwell out of the way,
and murder him for an apoftate (a).' Surely this does moirs, Pr
(a) Me-
not look as if Cromwell might have reftored the King 184
with an high hand! The truth is, he might have done
it in the beginning of the King's refiding with the ar-
my; but his ftiffness, his obftinacy, if I may fo speak,
in adhering to his own opinions, and the hopes he had
of availing himself of the difputes between the parlia-
ment and the army, rendered the latter very fufpicious
of his intentions, and, at length, averfe to his interest.
Befides, if I might offer a conjecture in this affair, it
looks to me exceeding probable, that Cromwell, after a
thorough trial, might be afraid to trust to what his Ma-
jefty promifed, in order to remount the throne. For,

p

P. 91.

and the Scotch, who took up arms in be

half

according to Clarendon, Oliver declared in the houfe of commons, that the King was a man of great parts, and great understanding, but that he was fo great a diffembler, and fo falfe a man, that he was not to be trufted. And thereupon repeated many particulars, whilst he was in the army; that his Majefty wifhed that fuch and fuch things might be done, which, being done to gratify him, he was difpleafed and complained of it: that, whilft he profeffed, with all folemnity, that he referred himself wholly to the parliament, and depended only upon their wisdom and counfels, for the fettlement and compofing the diftractions of the kingdom, he had, at the fame time, fecret treaties with the Scottish commiflioners, how he might • embroil the nation in a new war, and deftroy the () Vol. v. parliament (b). Such was the light in which Charles probably appeared to Cromwell, who pierced through every mask, while his own was generally impenetrable to those who were moft converfant with him. There is an anecdote related concerning the infincerity of the King to the lieutenant-general, which, if true, will eafily account for every thing done to the former by the latter. In a letter to his Queen, without whofe knowledge and confent he feldom cared to do any thing, he is faid to have acquainted her, That, though he affented to the army's propofals, yet, if by to doing, he could procure peace, it would be eafier then " to take off Cromwell, than now he was the head that governed the army.' This is faid to have come to his (c) Life of knowledge, and determined him never more to trust the King (c). For the truth of this I will not vouch, Cromwell, though it is agreeable to the whole of his Majefty's p. 69. 8vo. character. After this, can we wonder that Cromwell might think himfelf at liberty to practife Charles's arts on himself? or rather, are we not to admire at thofe who reflect on Cromwell for endeavouring to induce the King to remove by ftealth from Hampton-court (where

Oliver

Lond. 1724.

half of the King, and purged the house of

com

his life he was informed was in danger) and go into the Ifle of Wight, as into a fafe prifon (if that in fact was his intention) where he might be ready at hand to be difpofed of as best suited the inclinations or conveniency of the ruling party of the army? What man almost would not have done the fame? However, as to the letter written by Cromwell to colonel Whalley, on which (d) Meso much stress is laid by Lord Holles (d), and the writ moirs, pi ers of the Biographia Britannica, if we may believe 187. Charles himself, it was not the occafion of his fight from Hampton-court. In a letter written by him from thence, dated November 11, 1647, and left for colonel Whalley, he writes as follows: I have been fo civilly ⚫ used by you and major Huntington, that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under my hand, as alfo to defire the continuance of your courtefie, by your protecting of my household stuff and moveables of all forts, which I leave behind me in ⚫ this house, that they be neither spoiled nor imbezeled.

-So being confident you wish my preservation and • reftitution, I reft your friend, Charles. I affure you it was not the letter you fhewed me yefterday that made 'me take this refolution, nor any advertisement of that 'kind: but, I confefs, I am loath to be made a close (e) King ' prisoner, under pretence of fecuring my life (e).' So Charles's that Lord Clarendon has only committed one of his usual Works, p. mistakes, when he fays, That his Majefty did really 156. 'believe their malice [the levellers] was at the height, and that they did defign his murder (f).That (Vol. v. Cromwell wrote to Whalley is certain, and Whalley declares, That the letter, intimating fome murtherous defign, or, at leaft, fome fear of it, againft his Majefty, was the ground of his fhewing it to him. When I • received this letter,' adds he, I was much astonished, • abhorring that fuch a thing should be done, or fo much as thought of, by any that bear the name of chriftians. When I had fhewn the letter to his Majefty, I told • him,

N

P. 76.