the fact, that his election to the presidency was approved by so many of the Calvinistic ministers of the province.* Also from the fact, that such works as the Assembly's Catechism, Wollebius' Theology, and Ames's Medulla, were constantly studied and recited, as text books, under his direction, during the whole period of his presidency. p. 144. The Rev Mr. Prince informs us, that when he returned from Europe, in 1717, the ministers of Boston "were Dr. Increase and Cotton Mather of the North church; Mr. Wadsworth and Mr. Foxcroft of the Old church; Mr. Colman and Mr. Cooper of the church in Brattle-street; Mr. Sewall of the South church; and Mr. Webb of the New North ;-all most happily agreeing in the doctrines of grace, as laid down in the Catechisms and Confession of the venerable Assembly of Divines at Westminster, as well as the Confession of Faith agreed to by our New England Synods, which is almost the same as the other.”† Speaking of the state of affairs in New England, in the first half of the last century, the Christian Examiner says: "An immense majority of the New England churches and ministers were Calvinists-strict Calvinists; and the Trinity had never been impugned in the provinces." It follows from these statements, that the distinction among ministers in and around Boston, into Calvinists and others, or strict and moderate Calvinists, so much insisted on by President Quincy, in the times of which we speak, is without foundation. The discussions of that day turned scarcely at all on points of doctrine. They related rather to the proprieties of ecclesiastical order and usage. Of course, the ground of President Quincy's peculiar treatment of the Mathers cannot be, that they were more orthodox, or stricter Calvinists, than their brethren generally. Neither can it be, that their views of church government were, on the whole, more objectionable. The Mathers were cy's moderate party at Boston thinks it necessary to write to a trustee of Yale, beseeching him to clear the new institution of the imputation of Arminianism!! See Turell's Life of Colman, p. 62. * Thirty-nine of these ministers expressed their approbation in writing. See Vol. I. p. 504. Christian History, Vol. II. p. 374. old fashioned Congregationalists, clinging to the rights and the independence of particular churches, and resisting all encroachment on the provisions of the Cambridge Platform. But Dr. Colman was more of a Presbyterian than Congregationalist. He was ordained by the Presbytery in London, and says in one of his latest letters: "I have always openly owned myself something of a Presbyterian, under our Congregational form." He could be satisfied, however, with a consociation of churches;a thing, the bare mention of which is rank abomination in the ears of our modern Liberalists. "The consociation of churches," says Colman," is the very soul and life of the Congregational scheme, necessary to the very esse as well as bene of it; without which, we must be Independents, and with which the good of Presbyterianism is attainable.”* Nor can we account for President Quincy's hostility to the Mathers, on the ground that they were less catholic and liberal in their feelings, than their brethren generally. For they were regarded by their cotemporaries, and deservedly so (considering the age in which they lived), as very liberal men. Of Increase Mather it is said, he had learned "the utter nonsense and folly of attempting to convert people with penalties. He saw that the man, who is a good neighbor, and a good subject, has a right to his life and the comforts of it; and that it is not his being of this or that opinion in religion, but his doing something which directly tends to the hurt of human society, by which this right can be forfeited. He saw that, until persecution be utterly banished out of the world, and Cain's club be taken out of Åbel's hand, as well as out of Cain's, it is impossible to rescue the world from endless confusions."+ The opinions of Cotton Mather on this subject, were very similar to those of his father. "He was," says Prince," an utter enemy to religious tyranny and imposition. He was of very catholic and comprehensive principles." " Although he was a defender of the doctrines of grace, as expressed in the articles of the church of England; and as to discipline, was of Congregational principles, which he looked on as most agreeable to the word of God, and the rights of the Christian church; yet was he very extensive in his charity, being desirous to receive all, whom Christ receives to the kingdom of God." *Life of Colman, p. 107. † Remarkables, etc p. 58. Life by his Son, p. 140. Nor could it be the ground of President Quincy's peculiar treatment of the Mathers, that they were chargeable with greater faults or more foibles, than their cotemporaries generally. That they were perfect men, is not pretended. And that the younger Mather took no great pains to conceal his foibles, so that occasionally they stand out with considerable prominence, is also true. But were they not, on the whole, as free from imperfections, as most of the distinguished men around them; and much more so than many, who come under the notice of President Quincy, and escape without a line of censure? I know it is a thankless task to uncover the ashes of those who have "passed that bourne, at which," as our author says, " envy usually withdraws from its victim, and hatred listens to the suggestions of humanity."* It is a task which I will not allow myself to perform, otherwise, facts might be stated with respect to several of President Quincy's favorites-not excepting even Dr. Colman, who was truly a nobleman, both by nature and grace-which would not appear at all better on paper, than some things which he has stated respecting the Mathers. 66 For the peculiar hostility manifested by President Quincy, and other Unitarian writers, towards the Mathers, I can account on only two grounds. In the first place, they were called, in divine Providence, to stand in the breach, when those innovations on New England usages commenced, which have since resulted in the utter apostasy of so many of the churches of the Pilgrims. When the separate, independent action of the churches, in the election of their ministers, began to be denied, and the right of examining candidates for admission to the churches was first assailed, it devolved on the Mathers to stand up and oppose, what they regarded, and what evangelical Christians now regard, as arlarming innovations. This is one of the things for which Unitarians have never yet forgiven them, and 1 fear never will. The other thing to which I refer, is the position which the Mathers felt constrained to assume, at least for a time, with reference to Harvard College. Their affectionate regard and veneration for the college, they had previously shown in a thousand ways. But when at length, in the providence of God, it fell under the control of what were called, in those times, * Would that the president had kept this passage in mind, while writing some pages of his veritable history. SECOND SERIES, VOL. VII. NO. II. "the Manifesto men,"* the abettors of the innovations spoken of above, the Mathers felt obliged to stand very much aloof. Not that they withdrew all their former regards and patronage from the college; but they were suspicious as to its influence, and complained of its government, perhaps more than they ought. It cannot be doubted, however, that their intentions were pure. They acted from what they conceived to be the imperative demands of duty and conscience. Nor can it be doubted that their exertions were, in a good degree, successful. The threatening tide of innovation was stayed; and with an occasional exception here and there, the churches of New England held fast their integrity, for nearly or quite another half century. OTHER POINTS IN QUINCY'S HISTORY. Having paused thus long on the character of the Mathers-in discharge of what we conceived to be a duty to the memory of those venerable but much injured men-we now proceed to examine the subsequent parts of this history. Upon the dissolution of President Mather's connection with the college, in the manner already described, the Rev. Samuel Willard, pastor of the Old South church in Boston, was appointed vice president, and succeeded to the duties of the presidency. He, too, refused to reside at Cambridge, though he consented to visit the college "once or twice every week, and tarry there a night or two, and perform the duties there done by former presidents." As the college, at this time, had no proper charter, the government of it seems to have devolved directly on the legislature. It was the legislature that negotiated with President Mather, in regard to the subject of residence. And when he could not be induced to reside, it was the legislature that appointed, though under an inferior title, Mr. Willard in his place. He continued in office more than six years, and died September 12, 1707. He is chiefly known at this day, by his Lectures on the Assembly's Catechism, which were published, in folio, several years after his death." It was in the month following the death of Willard, that the Hon. John Leverett was chosen president. Previous to his in * So called from a paper, styled the Manifesto, drawn up by the founders of the Brattle-street church, in which were set forth the extent of their innovations, and the reasons of them. auguration, a resolve was passed, in the provincial legislature, reviving the old vacated charter of 1650, and directing "the president and fellows to regulate themselves according to it." This was clearly, as President Quincy supposes, an illegal proceeding, in direct "contradiction to the avowed principles, which the government of the parent state had adopted and acted upon, in relation to Massachusetts." Still, owing either to the ignorance or indifference of the British government as to its colonial affairs, or to some other cause, the error was never looked into or revoked, and the college continued on this foundation, till the adoption of the state constitution, in 1780. The presidency of Mr. Leverett, which continued more than twenty years, was one of great interest to the college. Some of the important events which took place during this period have been already noticed, in vindicating the character of the Mathers. Others of equal importance remain to be considered. President Quincy introduces here his account of the origin of Yale College; although it, in fact, originated several years before. Its foundations were laid in the year 1700, and a charter was given to it by the legislature of Connecticut, in 1701. His statements in regard to this subject have been justly complained of, for their want of fidelity and accuracy. He says: "The first settlers of Connecticut had emigrated from Massachusetts, for the purpose of being under a stricter form of worship than they could here attain ;"-whereas these first settlers assign no such reason for their emigration, but other and very different reasons. It was "their want of accommodation for their cattle," "the fruitfulness and commodiousness of Conneticut, and the danger of having it possessed by others," which induced Mr. Hooker and his company to leave Newtown (now Cambridge) and transport themselves across the wilderness to their new location.* Again: "A desire had long existed in that colony (Connec ticut) for the establishment in it of a school of the prophets, constructed with reference to their peculiar religious views." p. 197. Now the fact is, the Connecticut colonists had nothing "peculiar," in their religious views, at this period. They were Calvinistic and Congregational; and so were their brethren in Massachusetts. President Quincy goes on to say, that the projectors of the new seminary in Connecticut were very anxious that it should * See Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I, p. 140, |