stance. On a lower floor than that in which all these valuables were placed, was a little room accessible by a small 'mysterious' door from the arcade between the Carousel and the Rue de Rivoli. The room in question was the office through which the charities of the Royal family were dispensed; and the amount of these charities sufficiently accounts for the proximity of this office to the private treasury. It appears that the private charities of the King and Queen during the seventeen years of the reign amounted to 21,650,000 francs, about 860,000l. sterling-that is above 50,0007. a-year-and their more ostensible munificences to nearly as much. Those of the Prince Royal and the Duchess of Orleans amounted, says M. Tirel, to the annual sum of from four to five hundred thousand francs, that is, from sixteen to twenty thousand pounds. We were very well aware of the charitable dispositions of all those illustrious persons, and we can very well conceive that the peculiar position to which they had been raised by a popular tumult and a kind of popular election, must have exposed them to an extravagant degree of popular solicitation; but we confess that the amounts stated would have appeared to us hardly credible, on any less decisive authority than that of M. de Montalivet. 6 M. Tirel has, he tells us, good reason to suspect that this extensive charity met with a very ungrateful return. The room where this bureau de bénéficence was held had no other furniture than the clerks' writing-desk and stools, and some shelves and presses, in which were ranged the registers of the donations and all the applications of the several parties in alphabetical order. The wicket and stairs that led to it, though out of the way and mysterious' to most of the inmates of the palace, were of course familiar to the habitual recipients of the royal bounty, amongst whom M. Tirel very rationally concludes that some of the leaders of the mob must be classed— because it was by this remote and obscure passage that a very early, if not the very first, entrance into the palace was effectedwhereupon the intruding mob proceeded directly to the room in question, with apparently no other solicitude than to possess themselves of the books and papers, which they carried off, and tore, and burnt, even to the last fragment, in the street below. Some of the invaders were observed to be particularly anxious to lay hold of certain bundles; and one in particular was remarked for the care with which he destroyed the bundles marked with the initial D, and, that done, taking no trouble about the destruction of the rest. "These autographs were a most curious collection,' says M. Tirel, in which were to be found many names of some notoriety, necessitous artists, authors and journalists, who became afterwards remarkable for their republican ener 2 G 2 gies.' gies. The destruction of these letters and registers was so exclusively the object of this portion of the mob that they did no other damage, and did not even carry their curiosity so far as to proceed up the next flight of stairs to the rooms overhead, in which they would-with as little resistance-have possessed themselves of the diamonds, cash, and other treasures before enumerated. The inference is obvious. Some imperfect idea of the mischief done in the more public and accessible apartments of the Tuileries and Palais-Royal may be formed from the fact that there were gathered up no less than twenty-five tons weight of broken crystals, mirrors, and other ornamental and table glass; and there were, moreover, ten cartloads of fragments of the finest Sèvres china. The number of pieces of porcelain so destroyed was above 45,000; and they were so richly ornamented that 8007. worth of pure gold was recovered from the wreck: their artistical value was incalculable. The devastation at the Palais-Royal was greater than even that of the Tuileries. The Orleans family's private collection of pictures, an assemblage of the chef-d'œuvres of all the schools, but especially of the best French masters, were cut to pieces, and burned; and the library, a collection of great value, and still greater curiosity, was torn to pieces; the scattered leaves thrown out of the windows, filled one of the courts of the palace several feet deep; and when set fire to, the court became an immense furnace, which threatened the edifice, and the whole of that rich and populous neighbourhood, with a general conflagration. In the PalaisRoyal was placed the office and treasury of the private property of the house of Orleans. By the presence of mind and courage of the officers of this department, who severally loaded their own persons with as much as they could carry without suspicion, a considerable sum in money, some family jewels, miniatures, and medals, belonging to the Queen, were saved, and finally restored to her majesty; and 20 or 30,000l.'s worth of notes and other securities connected with the Orleans estates were also preserved, but were delivered over to the national sequestrator. At Neuilly the destruction was still more complete; for there, after beginning by a general pillage, and making the apartments the scene of the most frightful extremes of drunkenness and debauchery, the building was committed to the flames; and of that rich and beautiful villa nothing remained but the blackened walls. All its contents perished-except only the library. It had been thrown out of doors before the mob had thought of setting the palace itself on fire, in order to its being burned separately. By this accident it escaped the general conflagration, and was after wards wards removed, though of course much damaged, when the National Guard of Neuilly had superseded the mob. These were the results of a revolution, the orderly and generous' character of which has been so prodigally extolled; and be it remembered that all these infamous excesses had not even the apology of having been provoked by any the slightest resistance to the will of the people. We have already intimated that we have no serious doubt as to any of the main facts of M. Tirel's narrative, though we certainly have a strong impression that some share of his indignation against the men of February may be attributed to his own dismissal, and that, if he had been still continued in office, we should have heard neither of his satirical nomenclature, nor, we even suspect, of the indecent promotion of Citizen Lacombe. When he designates M. de Rollin as Diable, we feel the proverbial justice of giving even that personage his due, and we must therefore admit, that if the ex-comptroller really entertained such opinions of the members of the Republican government and had slily prepared for future use such a stock of insults against them as he now promulgates, he has no reason to complain of having been relieved from a service that must have been so odious to him; and the less so, because it turns out that M. Tirel only lost by one revolution what he had got by another. M. Tirel was himself a hero of July as Lacombe was of February; he was a décoré de Juillet, and obtained his place in the royal household on that single title. Now Lacombe would have been, no doubt, a décoré de Février had there been any such decoration, and he obtained for his deeds on that day no more than the same reward that M. Tirel had done for his-a place about the Tuileries. We hope that M. Tirel did not earn his decoration by any such deliberate atrocity as he charges against Lacombe; but if we knew the detail of the services for which he was so decorated, we should probably find that these were not in principle essentially different from those of Lacombe. To be sure M. Tirel takes care to inform us that he considers the insurrection against Charles X. as of a totally different class and character from that against Louis-Philippe, and we have little doubt that every man, high or low-from M. Thiers to M. Tirel-who had gained a position by the first revolution and has lost it by the second, is of the same mind; but we believe that the great majority of mankind are now pretty well satisfied that those events were merely successive acts of the protracted comédie de quinze ans ; and that the only class of persons in France who have not well founded causes of complaint against the men of February, are the the men of July. Indeed the identity of the principles or rather pretexts by which both these revolutions were accomplished was emphatically established by the evidence of Louis-Philippe himself in that last candid and pathetic exclamation, when he was leaving the Tuileries, Tout comme Charles Dix! That short but pregnant phrase the last words of his reign-was the political testament of the wise old King. It comprises the whole history of the two last revolutions, and indicates the only principle on which a durable monarchy can be re-established in France. Indeed what pretence does Louis Napoleon advance, but that he is the heir of the Emperor? What claim can be made for the Count de Paris but that he is the heir of Louis Philippe? What is there to direct public attention to either rather than to any individual in France, but heirship? Is heirship then to be a title for everybody except the real heir?-the heir of St. Louis, of Henri Quatre, of Louis le Grand, of Louis the Martyr? For our own parts we confess that the prospect of any solid settlement in France seems to become every day more and more doubtful, or at least more distant. The mass of the nation appears very indifferent as to the form of its government, and we fear that this apathy can only be cured by some terrible crisis. Nothing can be so inconsistent and anomalous as the present state of thingsand it cannot last. If France wishes to be a Republic, she must get rid at the next election (or sooner if he persists in or resumes any projects of usurpation) of the ape of the Emperor, and should give the republican experiment the fair advantage of a republican President: if, on the other hand, she wishes for a monarchy, after having four times expelled it, she had better seek some surer foundation for it than the sword of some lucky soldier, or the caprice of the populace; and we know not where that is to be found except in the legitimate heir of the Bourbons-parceque Bourbon! He-whoever he may happen at the time to be-will be not so much a person as a principle. And, as to the rivalry between the two branches of the royal House, we are satisfied that no consequence from logical or mathematical premises can be more certain than that any attempt to renew July wouldeven if temporarily successful-be only a prelude to another and more disastrous February. ART. ART. V.-1. Report of the General Board of Health on the Execution of the Nuisances Removal Act, and Public Health Act, up to July 1849. 2. Appendices to the Report of the General Board of Health on the Supply of Water to the Metropolis: videlicet, Appendix 1. Returns to the Queries addressed to the several Metropolitan Water Companies. Appendix 2. Engineering Reports and Evidence. Appendix 3. Medical, Chemical, Geological, and Miscellaneous Reports and Evidence. 1850. 3. Report of the Select Committee on Private Bills, with Minutes of Evidence thereon, 1846. 4. Subterranean Survey of the Metropolis.-Report on the Subterranean Condition of the Westminster District; with a Pictorial Map. By Henry Austin, Consulting Engineer, and Joseph Smith, Assistant Surveyor. 1849. 5. Report on the Sanitary Condition of the City of London for the Year 1849-50. By J. Simon, Esq., F.R.S., Medical Officer of Health to the City of London, and one of the Surgical Staff of St. Thomas's Hospital. 1850. 6. The Laws of England relating to Public Health. By J. Toulmin Smith, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq., Special Pleader. 1848. IN N a recent article we briefly traced the history of our London water-service through the five epochs of its gradual development; noting how its progress, during the last two centuries, has been impeded by the misfeasance of a corrupt Monopoly; and how this Monopoly has of late years been curbed in its turn by the growing force of the Sanitary Idea. Of that Idea we also rapidly sketched the progress-from its origin in the theoretic dogma of the Preventibility of Disease, to its embodiment in the practical formula of Sanitary Consolidation. Of these two fundamental propositions, standing to each other in the relation of Science to Art, or of ascertained Law to the means of its Technical fulfilment, the first is now, happily, too universally recognised to stand in need of further demonstration. The second principle, on the contrary, is still the subject of animated controversy in each of its two main bearings, Administrative and Structural; which, as their importance fully equals their obscurity, we propose to take up for present elucidation: examining, under the first head, the economical advantages of consolidated Sanitary Jurisdiction; and, under the second, the corresponding benefits of consolidated Sanitary Works. This exposition, succinct and familiar as we shall endeavour to make it, will yet, we trust, suffice to disprove the pretended analogy between Sanitary |