not in God, but in the Pope, groaned, when we read how Pope Pius II. wrote to a Bishop of Mayence, telling him, "That it was "not lawful for a Bishop to speak the truth, if it bore against the Pope.*

But not only were the real Bishops enslaved, but it is ludicrous in the extreme to observe the scheming and management that was used in collecting the subscriptions to the different decrees of the Council. You will read, appended to the decrees of the Trent Sessions, the signature of a Patriarch of Jerusalem, of six Greek Bishops, an Archbishop of Armagh, and an Archbishop of Upsal: but none of these were real-they were buckram bishops. The Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the six Grecians, were good plain Italian courtiers, who never were out of Italy until they came to Trent; or, as our Bishop Jewel says, in the 625th page of his Defence of the Apology for the Church of England, "It is no "hard matter for your Pope to make such Patriarchs enow; one "for Jerusalem-one for Constantinople-another for Antioch.— "I marvel that there be not some Patriarch, one or other, for "Sodom and Gomorrah. These poor hungry and holy Fathers are contented at all times to set their hands to whatever is "required, and to yield their submission in the name of those "countries they have scarcely ever heard of, and to confess the Pope their master, to be all, and more than all." In another place Jewel says, Amongst the number of your Trent Bishops, you had master Peter of Worcester, and blind Sir Robert of "Armagh; poor silly bishops, God knoweth-endowed with only "bare names, without bishopricks."

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And here it is not my intention to speak of the immoral character of many of those Prelates who voted, as was presumed, under the influence of the Holy Spirit; this unpleasant task may devolve on the historian; but I desire not to expose to view, the gross faults of churchmen of what communion or sect they may be. The patient reader, if he has appetite for such things, may consult the three Roman Catholic historians of this Council; and he will see an exposé of frauds, artifices, corruptions, and immoralities, which may convince him that some other spirit presided, than that sacred and pure one from above. Suffice it here to say, in the words of Father Paul, "That of the Bishops of the Trent "Council, very few had knowledge of theology; neither was there amongst those Prelates, (viz. the forty-eight who made the first and most important decrees of that Council) any one remarka"ble for learning. Some of these were lawyers, perhaps learned "in that profession, but of little understanding in religion; few "divines, and these of less than ordinary sufficiency:" and such were they to whom it was committed to finish, and set at rest for ever, the cause of the Christian Church!

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But I must add still more than all this to vitiate the character of this Synod. Every thing that came before it, must

be proposed by the Pope's legate. No individual, let what be his character or station, was permitted to originate any motion-nothing must be mooted, save "Proponentibus Legatis." This was similar to the detestable Poynings' law, which condemned the Irish Parliament to grind at the mill of the English government for 250 years. Pibrac, one of the French Ambassadors to Trent, in a letter to the Queen Mother of France, says, "My "Lords the Legates, with the Italian Bishops which came from "Rome, made a kind of decree, that nothing should be proposed "for the Fathers to consult on, but by the Legates only," And if in any debate the majority seemed to be of opinion contrary to the wish of the Pope, further proceedings were stopped, until the Legates got auxiliaries, or instructions from Rome; nor were the decrees ratified, until first reviewed and sanctioned at the Vatican. Besides, various methods of intimidation were resorted to, if any one, touched with a sense of duty, presumed to say what was disagreeable to the Legates: if he were a Spaniard, he was told that it was unbecoming the majesty of a Council to hear contentions; if an Italian, the poor skeleton of a Bishop was accused as ungrateful-his soul was terrified with threats-"ibi est Herus tergo metuas." Thus, James of Claudia Fossa was driven with threats from the Council, because he said he could not suffer tradition to be paralleled with Scripture and Peter of Justianopolis, was forbidden to come to the Council, because he was suspected of Lutheranism; and another was accused as schismatical, and threatened with dismissal, because he said that there had been lawful Bishops who were not called or confirmed by the Pope.— Besides, there was every corrupt method used to procure a majority. The bishop of Vintimaglia had secret orders from his Holiness to threaten some of the Bishops, and to make large promises to others; and from the beginning to the end of the Council, there were about sixty Cardinals created to strengthen the Pope's interest; notwithstanding that some of the Popes (particularly Paul IV.) had bound themselves by oath, when elected, not to do so. And we are told, that when the residency of the bishops in their respective dioceses, was likely to be carried in the Council, the Pope ordered the legates to put off that question for six months, during which time he mustered up, or created, in Apulia and Sicily, forty bishops, who were hurried away to Trent, to cast the balance on his side.

I could produce many other facts, collected from the three Roman Catholic historians of this Council, to shew its entire nullity, as affording reformation to the Christian church, or doing justice to Protestants; but shall be contented with the remark of De Ranchin, a French Roman Catholic, who, in his review of the Council, declares, "That the iniquity and injustice of it were such, that even good Catholics abhor it."

I shall conclude this sketch with a few remarks on the coming of the Protestants to this Council. They certainly from the begin ning objected to its proceedings, for the above detailed reasons;

at the same time they did not absolutely refuse to attend; but they only required the same safeguards and immunities that were granted to the Bohemians at the Council of Basil; but this was denied. They demanded such a safe conduct as might be depended on about this there was much shuffling amongst the legates and leaders of the Council. It was long doubted whether it should be granted; and when a safe conduct was given, it was given, not in open Session, that is, in the Council, but in the Congregation; that is, in the Friars' meeting. Besides, the safe conduct was only given to Germans; and it was worded in such a captious way, that it appeared that the spirit of Popery had such an unappeasable appetite for the roasting of heretics, that his Holiness, and his synod, could not deny themselves the privilege of burning all English, Swedes, Danes, Poles, or Dutchmen, that had the hardihood to venture to Trent ; not having the fate of poor Huss and Jerome before their eyes.

But notwithstanding, the German Protestants did send their divines to the Council. They came openly-they did not hide themselves in corners. The whole Council is made acquainted with their coming-they speak to the Ambassadors-they make their address to the Pope's legates *-they feelingly conjure them to have compassion on the calamities of Germany; and after having presented them with the confession of their faith, they beg no other favour than to have it read in the Council, in order that it might be maturely considered, and approved or condemned. Now 'tis true, those lordly legates did not load these pure and virtuous men with irons, but they received no answer; their confession of faith was never produced, or read, before the Council; it was sedulously kept back and the legates, in order to get rid of the divines and their confession of faith, made an excuse for dissolving the Session: and thus was the cause of Protestants in this honest synod, "fully and dispassionately examined."

Now, appeal is not made here to the Popish prelate, who has had the hardihood to assert, that the Protestant cause was fully and dispassionately examined at the Council of Trent. We are aware that his Portuguese education may render the practices of the Inquisition more in accordance with the early bent of his mind, than the practice of Britain as to trying men or things. But reader, be you Roman Catholic or Protestant-born, if you be, to the birth-right of British laws, I appeal to, and ask, if there be any truth in the above premises-were the Protestants and their doctrines fairly tried at Trent? And I conclude in the lan

* About the same time there came into England a certain Friar, of the order of the Menonites, called Mansuetus; sent by the Pope, at the instance of the king, who trod in the steps of Mr. Ibrolet; being instructed with great powers, inasmuch, that changing their vows, he absolved all the Royalists (as he called them) at his pleasure; or justified excommunicants, falsifiers, and perjured persons; whereupon divers delinquents took occasion to sin but wise men make a mock of it. Math. Paris Hist, Ang. in Hen. III, in 1258-- page 965.

guage of a controversialist of the seventeenth century-" What hope could there possibly be that even any reformation could "be effected by such a Council? The most, the chiefest, things "between Antichrist and us, are already in this conventicle con"cluded. Whoever disputed against them-whoever contradict"ed them on our part, till all was concluded at their own pleasure, and to their own liking? Our cause had not an advocate "-not a proctor-not so much as a remembrancer. The wit"nesses, the judge's delegate, the judge's ordinary, the supreme 'judge, in these matters were made, provided, determined, re"solved against us-the sentence was given before the Council assembled-only a shew of a Council was made, like an ignis "fatuus, or mask, with drum and trumpet, as if great matters were "in hand; but nothing altered, or, at least, nothing amended"nothing reformed; which was all to the expectation of the wise, "and to the determination of the wicked before hand."*

This article I now close by the assertion, That if the Council of Trent was a trial of Protestantism-if that cause then " finita est"--never was there so prejudiced a judge-never such a packed jury-never such unrighteous judgment.

C. O.

• What good could be done in that Council, in which the votes were not weighed but remembered; if goodness of the cause, if reason had been the weapons to fight withal, though we were but few, we had vanquished a great army of our enemies; but seeing that number only came into the field, in which we were far inferior to them, though our cause was good, we could not possibly prevail : 'the Pope had an hundred to one, and in case there had not been enough, he could have created a thousand more to have helped at need; we daily saw hungry and needy bishops come to Trent, youths, for the most part which did but begin to have beards, given over to luxury and riot, hired only to give their voice as the Pope pleased, they were both unlearned and simple, yet fit for the purpose, in regard of their impudent boldness. When these were added to the Pope's old flatterers, iniquity triumphed ; and it was impossible to determine of any thing but as they pleased, who thought it to be the highest point of their religion to maintain the authority, and luxury of the Pope. There was a grave and learned man, who was not able to endure so great an indignity; he was presently traduced as being no good Catholic, and was terrified, threatened and persecuted that he might approve things against his will. In sum, matters were brought to that pass by the iniquity of these that come thither fitted and prepared, that the Council seemed to consist not of bishops, but of disguised Masquers, not of men but images, such as Dædalus made that moved by nerves which were none their own; they were hireling Bishops, whose country bagpipes could not speak, but as breath was put into them. The Holy Ghost had nothing to do in this assembly, all the counsels given there proceeded from human policy, and tended only to maintain the Pope's inordinate and shameful domination: auswers were expected from thence, as from the Oracles of Delphos and Dodona ; the Holy Spirit which, as they boast, doth govern their councils, was sent from thence in a postillion's cloak-bag, which in case of any inundation could not come hither (a thing most ridiculous) till the waters were assuaged.-Sec Letter of Du Dithius to the Emperor.

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REVIEW.

A Letter to the Clergy of the Diocese of St. David's, on a Passage of the Second Symbolum Antiochenum of the Fourth Century, as an evidence of the authenticity of 1 John v. vii. By T. BURGESS, D. D. &c. Bishop of St. David's (now of Salisbury.) Rivington, 1825. pp. 123.

THE Controversy which the disputed passage in St. John's Epistle occasioned, is well known to the literary world: indeed it was the first point in Biblical literature which engaged the attention of the great men of the Sixteenth Century, from which period we are to date the revival of literature. From this time down to the present day the controversy has been carried on with unabated vigour. Erasmus was the first who published the New Testament in Greek; this appeared in 1516, and a second_ edition followed in 1519: in both of these the disputed past sage was omitted. For this Erasmus was attacked in the severes language by Lee, an English Divine of some character, who afterwards became Archbishop of York. Stunica, the principal editor of the Complutensian Polyglott (which by the way was printed two years before the first edition of Erasmus's New Testament, though not published till 1517,) also wrote against him for the same cause. Erasmus in his answer declared that he omitted the passage, only because he had not found it in any Greek manuscript, but professed that he was ready to insert it on any good authority they would adduce. Though the verse appears in the Greek text in the Complutensian Polyglott, yet Stunica never replied to Erasmus, by quoting any of the many and valuable manuscripts which contained it, and which Ximenes had collected from all parts for this splendid work. Hence some have argued from his silence, that he translated the passage into Greek from the Latin, that his text might conform to the Vulgate. This question can never be decided, for these inestimable manuscripts were sold in 1750 to one Toryo, a rocket maker, and a writing of his acknowledging the receipt, is yet visible at Alcala. But it would be wrong to argue from this negative evidence against the honesty of all the learned men engaged in that work. Lee, however, followed up his charge by quoting the Codex Britannicus, now called the Codex Montfortianus, in the library of Trinity College, Dublin: and in consequence of this, Erasmus inserted the verse in all the future editions he lived to edite. It would be vain for us to attempt even a precis historique of this long controversy, in the narrow limits allowed us in a monthly publication, we can only mention the writers' names who have distinguished themselves in this literary conflict.

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Sandius in his Nucleus Historia Ecclesiastica in 1676, and in his Interpretationes Paradoxe in Johannem, called the authority of the passage in question. On the other hand our learned Selden, in