that were in opposition to all their habits, but these laws were enacted by congress. It was the United States that suggested to England the renunciation of her famous navigation act, and of that exclusive system, which she had so long maintained. Free commerce makes the law for enslaved commerce.

Of all the great powers, no one is in a situation more independent of the events and vicissitudes, which affect the repose of nations than the United States. Is a negotiation commenced? Their fundamental principle is equality in the stipulations. They have declared that they will only treat on this condition. The other party must conform to it or break off the conferences.

Skilled in navigation, and in all the sciences which constitute the pride of Europe, long initiated in all the operations of English commerce, freer now than even their former masters, they will soon become their equals, and England sees in them rivals, that will presently be more formidable to her than the maritime powers of Europe have ever been.* England, by her conduct towards the United States, first revealed to Europe the degree of power to which this new people had, in a very short time, arrived. She would not have willingly allowed the world to know how much she requires their friendship; but their forced participation in the

* The merchant tonnage of the United States, corresponding to the British registered tonnage, was, in 1827, 1,650,607 tons, while that of the United Kingdom, during the same year, is stated in the parliamentary returns to have been only 2,105,605 tons.-TRANSL.

profits of navigation and commerce seemed to her the presage of still greater losses. She believed, a few years ago, that there was yet time to arrest their progress. The haughty demeanour, threats, and seductions, which were in turn employed, only warned the United States to provide for their safety. War was declared almost simultaneously on both sides. But the English received from it a harsh lesson, and eagerly entered on negotiations for peace. A treaty, signed at Ghent in December, 1814, put an end to hostilities without destroying the germs of jealousy and enmity. Negotiations have been prolonged to this day. If the English bring forward a sine qua non proposition, the Americans immediately advance another. Reciprocity, their rule in commercial matters, is as simple as its forms are various. They have their discriminating tariffs, their countervailing duties, and their inflexible prohibitions. They have also an act of navigation, but different from the one which was so long regarded by England as the tutelary genius of her commerce. "We do not ask," they say, "that your ports should be open to us, we are far from requiring that you should change your laws, but leave us ours." England has at length learned that the military marine of the Americans is no longer an object of contempt, and that concessions must take the place of exactions. She no longer pretends to visit American ships, in order to take from them their own sailors; she has mitigated the rigour of her maritime code. The English West Indies cannot dispense with the productions of the United States; in vain have the English, alleging the long possession of the colo nial monopoly, wished to retain the profits of this navigation: in vain have they hoped that Canada would provide for the wants of their islands. At length to preserve, at least, in appearance, the prohibitory system, they established an entrepôt in the Bermudas. The Americans, who had, at first, consented to this arrangement, again showed themselves inflexible, and would not listen to any modification of the principle of an entire reciprocity. Then, the colonists of the islands, who bear all the inconvenience of the interruption of the intercourse, cried mercy; and, in 1822, an act of the British parliament admitted these dreaded rivals to a direct trade from the United States to the West Indies, and even to the English colonies of North America. These concessions appeared to have been made with regret, and had hardly gone into effect when the president of the board of trade thus expressed himself in parliament:* "We wished to sustain with the United States a contest of discriminating duties: after persevering in it for several years we were obliged to yield; but having entered into arrangements, founded on reciprocity, with the American government, we could not refuse to extend this long neglected principle to the European powers." In listening to these words, one would have thought that the conciliation was complete; but, in the month of July, 1826, new orders in council withdrew from the Americans the participa

* May 10th, 1826.

:

tion which had been granted them in the colonial trade. Thus they refuse and grant, and retract again: the issue of the debate is always uncertain; and, if we believe men profoundly instructed in these matters, the interests of navigation, which England places above even those of commerce, are already endangered by the liberal system, to which the United States have since 1822 brought that power.*

Their vessels traverse all the seas of the globe, without any where undergoing those humiliations which English pride has so often attempted to impose on all flags and to which some have been obliged to submit. The United States have never supported such indignities. Their principle is that the flag assimilates a ship to the soil of the country to which it belongs, and renders it equally inviolable. The slightest insult would be immediately resented and revenged.

They respect the rights of other nations, and their rule is not to interfere in their affairs. The pretensions which they believe to be well founded they assert with firmness, and they will never maintain them feebly; for their strength increases even whilst the contest is kin• dling. Although disarmed, liberty puts them on an equality with the nations that continue under arms during the most profound peace.

Those treaties of alliance, those conventions for mutual succession, so common among the German princes, are scarcely known by name in the United States. They can only suit sovereign families, who set little value on the rights of the people, whom they often involve in quarrels of succession, which seldom result in the improvement of their condition.

If, during the recess of the legislature, difficult circumstances require a prompt decision, the president does not fail to take it, and he is sure of being approved, if he has done a necessary act.

There is more timidity even in absolute governments, where the ministers are only responsible to the throne. In critical circumstances, they seek to gain time, and proceed by expedients. The difficulty, in the meanwhile, grows worse: from being unwilling to submit to reason, they are obliged to yield to force; and they lose all, because they attempted to retain all.

The president, and the two houses of congress, are without mysterious archives. They have no concealed and corrupting police, nor have they those secret reports so convenient for calumny, so dear to the calumniators, so dangerous to the persons who are the object of them, and, oftentimes, even to those who employ them.

All the affairs of the republic are brought as soon as possible to the knowledge of the public, without any exaggeration of the favourable condition of some, or dissimulation respecting the bad state of others. And why should congress and the administration plot together to deceive the public, or to conceal from them untoward truths? They are themselves part of the public.