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lonists, and the same fear that their independence might be the result of a less exclusive system.

It cannot, however, be said that the English colonies were tyrannically governed. No colonies in the world have enjoyed so many privileges; and if the general government of the United States can exercise over them an authority more extensive and less contested than the kings of England ever possessed, it is because there is in the nature of the Federal Government a tendency to impose limits on itself. The English governors only sought to extend their powers;congress attentively confines itself within its proper sphere.

Every thing was ripe for a revolution; the duties on tea and the stamp act were only a pretence. The violent proceedings of the mother country taught the Americans that their liberty was in jeopardy. The danger aroused all those to whom this liberty was dear; and when it is recollected with what ardour they sacrificed their repose, their lives, and their fortunes, it must be acknowledged that the fear of losing an inestimable good could alone have inspired so much courage and devotion.

They addressed themselves, at first, to their sovereign, not with their knees on the ground and quires full of mournful complaints in their hands; but they stated their grievances with calm and respectful firmness. As its only reply, the British government attempted to punish them as mutineers and rebels. They then published that Declaration of Independence which we now read, after a lapse of fifty years, without finding in it a single word to censure. The anniversary of the day, on which it was published, is always celebrated with those fresh manifestations of joy which all, without exception, feel at the bottom of their hearts.

Their undertaking, when it was announced, was seconded by the good wishes of all Europe, and, even in the councils of Great Britain, a numerous party supported their efforts.

The cabinet of Versailles acknowledged their independence, in doing which it was perhaps as much drawn along by the movement of public opinion as determined by the deliberations that preceded the alliance. This important resolution has since been censured, even by some of those who had strenuously advised and demanded it. It is very true, that it hastened in Europe the development of the principles of freedom, which were then springing up on all sides, and were favoured by princes themselves. But this unanimity was not of long continuance: in France, even, where liberal opinions had been received with the most enthusiasm, a few years sufficed to produce a violent explosion of an opposite character.

The American insurrection had only to contend with the armies sent from England: forces still more formidable suddenly threatened the rising liberty of France. If reforms had become necessary, abuses consecrated by ages were almost inseparable from the established order of things. The reformers made some vain efforts to proceed with prudence and deliberation; but, carried away by the violence of parties, their acts soon bore the marks of injustice. Furious excesses justified the resistance of the clergy and nobility. This terrible ⚫struggle was followed by deplorable catastrophies. At this day, instead of acknowledging their true causes, some attribute to the American revolution the disasters and crimes of our own. They raise doubts respecting the wisdom of the ministers of Louis XVI.; and go so far as to assert that that prince, instead of succouring the Americans by his arms and the treasures of France, ought to have united the French troops to the Hanoverians and Hessians, in order to bring back the rebellious subjects to their allegiance. Perhaps the intervention of France in this great quarrel was not sufficiently justified either by imminent dangers or by those rules of justice which states should never violate. I even hardly dare to look for a justification of the part which was then taken in those maxims of precautionary policy, which it is so easy to bend to all circumstances. There is no doubt that Louis XVI., by allying himself with the United States, really advanced the emancipation of the English colonies. But, had France remained neutral, the independence of the United States would only have been retarded a few years. We may apply to modern colonies what has happened to all those of antiquity. Whatever may be the power of the parent state, its colonies are free as soon as they are sensible of their own strength. In vain would the mother country attempt to prolong their subjection by arresting their progress in every way, introducing dissension among the different classes of inhabitants, discouraging industry, and substituting constraint to affection, prejudices to reason. Such efforts would only serve to render these establishments burdensome rather than profitable, to engender the most profound hatred, to incline the people with more certainty to revolt, and to render an insurrection, by its being longer delayed, more terrible and destructive.

A glorious justification of the revolution, and of the assistance which France afforded to it, is to be found in the advantages that have resulted from it to society in general, and even to England. It depends on the Americans to justify it still further by the wisdom of their conduct.

Among the civil chiefs whom this people selected to govern them, after the declaration of their independence, among those to whom they confided the command of their armies, Arnold alone was misled by ambition and avarice; no other person in office took advantage of the public distresses to elevate himself or increase his fortune. The virtues necessary to the foundation and preservation of states, boldness in action, moderation in success, constancy in adversity, were exhibited without ostentation and without pomp. The rulers of that period also participated honourably in that species of fame which is acquired by arms, which is accompanied by the most dangers, and which the multitude, therefore, place above all others.

Washington is, in the eyes of his fellow citizens, more worthy of admiration-greater than was ever Alexander or Cæsar, in the estimation of the Greeks and Romans. His natural moderation was such, that, after having vanquished the enemies of his country, he had not, like so many other men illustrious in arms, to combat his own ambition. He was delighted to lay aside the sword, in order to devote himself to the care of governing the republic, restored to peace. Desolation and ruins are the monuments of the lives of conquerors, and mark their course on earth. The happiness of mankind is the imperishable monument which must recall to future ages the name of Washington; and his glory, purer than theirs, surpasses in reality that of those pretended sons of the gods. The war once ended, it was especially to his civil virtues that the Americans were delighted to render homage.

They, at this day, prize one kind of glory above all others, it is that which in peace is attached to sincere love of country, and which, without ambitious passions, and, with a sort of indifference for celebrity, exhibits itself in a modest desire to obtain the esteem of the people.

Several of their first magistrates, among whom are the two Adams* and Jefferson,† who have seen the republic flourish, are no more: they gave examples of private virtues, after having long exhibited those of a public nature. Madison and Monroe, who have re

* Samuel Adams and Jolın Adams.

† John Adams and Jefferson died on the 4th of July, 1826, the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, which they signed fifty years before.

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