France had, in 1802, just recovered Louisiana by treaty. But, she had not yet taken possession, when a war broke out between her and England. Could we hope to retain that colony? Admitting that it might have been retained, and that it would, at a future day, become useful to the mother country, did it offer sufficient advantages to indemnify us for the expense of its settlement and defence? As an independent state, will it not make more rapid progress than if it were subjected to the laws of monopoly? Will not its constantly improving condition be more advantageous to our commerce than its possession and exclusive government would have been? Already, the doubts are, in part, removed. I have put in order some materials, which I long since prepared for this narrative. The circumstances respecting the cession of Louisiana were not, at all, known in France, where even the treaties have never yet been authentically published; but it is in the great collection of the diplomatic transactions of the United States that the principal documents are to be found. It will, perhaps, be observed that the object of the negotiation was not to put an end to a war; that it was not accompanied by any remarkable incident, and that it was promptly terminated. It may then well excite surprise that it should furnish matter for a large volume, whilst so many other treaties, concluded after many communications and long conferences, only occupy a few pages in history. in history. But most of these treaties have been so badly observed, and their influence has been so transitory, that they may be forgotten without much affecting the instruction or the interests of society. On the other hand, the consequences of the cession of Louisiana will extend to the most distant posterity. It interests vast regions that will become, by their civilization and power, the rivals of Europe before another century commences. It has crowned the important work to which Louis XVI., his armies, and the statesmen, who composed his council, gloriously contributed. The great advantages which the whole world has derived from that event have caused it to be forgotten that, at the time of the alliance of 1778, politics did not conform to the laws of morality. This History is about to appear in the midst of the many good and bad books, which every season produces. But is there any one which entering, at this day, into a library, dares to look for a place there? They are all occupied. I know not what will be the fate of my book. If the great historians find in it some details worthy of being remembered, I beg them to believe that they are true. Two of their pages will be sufficient for the recitals of which I have made a volume. If some of the maxims have the happy effect of shedding a new lustre on public virtues, I shall rejoice that I have had an opportunity of writing them. I have had my share in the calamities of our times. Literature and study, which, in tranquil circumstances, had contributed to my happiness, were my principal consolation in adversity. They have inspired in me C an attachment for liberty, regulated by wise laws. They aided me to support with courage an unjust and rigorous captivity. I may, perhaps, be permitted to add, that in every situation of my life, whether prosperous or adverse, I have always believed it to be my duty to render my labours useful to my country. May those who read the recital on which I am entering, recognise in the sketch that I have traced of the institutions of the United States, my attachment for those of France, and my firm persuasion that our happiness is closely connected with the faithful observance of our new laws. |