Nor, in this immense multitude, did they want historians, some of which (such as Abulfeda, Abulpharagius, Bohadin,' and others) have been translated, and are perused, even in their translations, both with pleasure and profit, as they give not only the outlines of amazing enterprises, but a sample of manners and character widely differing from our own. No history, perhaps, can be more curious than the Life of Saladin by Bohadin. This author was a constant attendant upon the person of this great prince through all his active and important life, down to his last sickness, and the very hour of his death. The many curious anecdotes which he relates, give us the striking picture of an Eastern hero. Take the following instance of Saladin's justice and affability. "He was in company once with his intimate friends, enjoying their conversation apart, the crowd being dismissed, when a slave of some rank brought him a petition in behalf of a person oppressed. The Sultan said, that he was then fatigued, and wished the matter, whatever it was, might for a time be deferred. The other did not attend to what was desired, but on the contrary almost thrust the petition into the sultan's face. The sultan, on this, opening and reading it over, declared he Abulfeda was an Oriental prince, descended from the same family with the great Saladin. He died in the year 1345, and published a general history, in which, however, he is most particular and diffuse in the narrative of Mahomet and his suc cessors. Learned men have published different parts of this curious author. Gagnier gave us, in Arabic and Latin, as much of him as related to Mahomet. This was printed in a thin folio at Oxford, in the year 1723. The largest portion, and from which most of the facts here related are taken, was published by Reiske, or Reiskius, (a very able scholar,) in Latin only, and includes the history of the Arabians and their caliphs, from the first year of the Mahometan era, An. Dom. 622, to their 406th year, An. Dom. 1015. This book, a moderate or thin quarto, was printed at Leipzic, in the year 1754. We have another portion of a period later still than this, published by Schultens in Arabic and Latin; a portion relative to the life of Saladin, and subjoined by Schultens to the Life of that great prince by Bohadin, which he (Schultens) published. But more of this hereafter. Abulpharagius gave likewise a general history, divided into nine dynasties, but is far more minute and diffuse (as well as Abulfeda) in his history of Mahomet and the caliphs. He was a Christian, and the son of a Christian physician; was an Asiatic by birth, and wrote in Arabic, as did Abulfeda. He brought down his history a little below the time of the celebrated Jingez Chan; that is, to the middle of the thirteenth century, the time when he lived. A fine edition of this author was given in Arabic and Latin, by the learned Pococke, in two small quartos, at Oxford, 1663. Bohadin wrote the Life of the celebrated Saladin, but more particularly that part of it which respects the crusades, and Saladin's taking of Jerusalem. Bohadin has many things to render his history highly valuable: he was a contemporary writer; was an eyewitness of almost every transaction; and what is more, instead of being an obscure man, was high in office, a favourite of Saladin's, and constantly about his person. This author flourished in the twelfth century; that is, in the time of Saladin and king Richard, Saladin's antagonist. Bohadin's history, in Arabic and Latin, with much excellent erudition, was published in an elegant folio, by that accurate scholar, Schultens, at Leyden, in the year 1755. It must be observed, that though Abulpharagius was a Christian, yet Abulfeda and Bohadin were both Mahometans. All three historians bear a great resemblance to Plutarch, as they have enriched their histories with so many striking anecdotes. From Abulpharagius, too, and Abulfeda, we have much curious information as to the progress and state of literature in those ages and countries. 6 thought the petitioner's cause a good one. Let, then, our sovereign lord,' says the other, sign it.' 'There is no inkstand,' says the sultan, (who, being at that time seated at the door of his tent, rendered it impossible for any one to enter.) 'You have one,' replies the petitioner, 'in the inner part of your tent, (which meant, as the writer well observes, little less than bidding the prince go and bring it himself.) The sultan, looking back and seeing the inkstand behind him, cries out, 'God help me, the man says true,' and immediately reached back for it, and signed the instrument." Here the historian, who was present, spoke the language of a good courtier. "God Almighty," said he, "bore this testimony to our prophet, that his disposition was a sublime one our sovereign lord, I perceive, has a temper like him." _The sultan, not regarding the compliment, replied coolly, "The man did no harm; we have despatched his business, and the reward is at hand."s After this fact we shall the more readily believe Bohadin, when, speaking of the same illustrious person, he informs us, that his conversation was remarkably elegant and pleasing; that he was a perfect master of the Arabian families, of their history, their rites, and customs; that he knew also the genealogies of their horses, (for which we know that to this hour Arabia is celebrated;) nor was he ignorant of what was rare and curious in the world at large; that he was particularly affable in his inquiries about the health of his friends, their illness, their medicines, &c.; that his discourse was free from all obscenity and scandal; and that he was remarkably tender and compassionate both to orphans and to persons in years. I may add from the same authority an instance of his justice. 6 "As Bohadin, the historian, was one day exercising at Jerusalem his office of a judge, a decent old merchant tendered him a bill or libel of complaint, which he insisted upon having opened. 'Who,' says Bohadin 'is your adversary? My adversary,' replies the merchant, is the sultan himself: but this is the seat of justice, and we have heard that you (applying to Bohadin) are not governed by regard to persons. Bohadin told him the cause could not be decided without his adversary's being first apprized. The sultan accordingly was informed of the affair, submitted to appear, produced his witnesses, and, having justly defended himself, gained the cause. Yet so little did he resent this treatment, that he dismissed his antagonist with a rich garment and a donation." His severity upon occasions was no less conspicuous than his clemency. the Excerpta from Abulfeda, p. 62, 63. We learn from the same writer, that Arnold, lord of Cracha, (called Reginald by M. Paris, and Rainold by Fuller,) had thought proper, during the truce between the Christians and the Saracens, to fall upon the caravan of travellers going to Mecca from Egypt, whom he cruelly pillaged and thrust into dungeons, and when they appealed to the truce for better usage, replied with scorn, "Let your Mahomet deliver you." Saladin, fired with indignation at this perfidy, vowed a vow to despatch him with his own hand, if he could ever make him prisoner. The event happened at the fatal battle of Hittyn, where Guy king of Jerusalem, Arnold, and all the principal commanders of the Christian army were taken. Saladin, as soon as his tent could be erected, in the height of his festivity, orders king Guy, his brother Geoffry, and prince Arnold into his presence. As Guy, the king, was nearly dying for thirst, Saladin presented him a delicious cup, cooled with snow, out of which the king drank, and then transmitted it to Arnold. "Tell the king," says the sultan, turning to his interpreter, "tell him, Thou, king, art he, who hast given the cup to this man, and not I." Now it is a most admirable custom (observes Bohadin) among the Arabians, a custom breathing their liberal and noble disposition, that a captive, the moment he has obtained meat or drink from his captor, is by that very treatment rendered secure of life, the Arabians being a people by whom hospitality and the generous point of honour is most sacredly observed. The prisoners, being dismissed, were soon remanded, when only the sultan and a few of his ministers were left. Arnold was the first brought in, whom the sultan reminding of his irreverent speech, subjoined, "See me now act the part of Mahomet's avenger." He then offers Arnold to embrace the Mahometan faith; which he refusing, the sultan with his drawn scimitar gave him a stroke that broke the hilt, while the rest of his attendants joined and despatched him. King Guy thought the same destiny was prepared for him. The sultan, however, bid him be of good cheer, observing, that "it was not customary for kings to kill kings; but that this man had brought destruction upon himself, by passing the bounds of all faith and honour."x When princes are victorious, their rigour is often apt to extend too far, especially where religion, as in these wars called holy, blends itself with the transaction. More than fourscore years before Saladin's time, the crusaders, when they took Jerusalem, had murdered every Mahometan they found there." in anno 1099. p. 48. Fuller's Holy War, * See Bohadin, p. 27, 28. 70, 71. When Saladin took Jerusalem, he had at first meditated putting all the Franks to the sword, as a sort of retaliation for what had been done there by these first crusaders. However, he was persuaded to change his intention, and spare them: nay, more, after he had turned the rest of their churches into mosques, he still left them one, in which they had toleration to perform their worship." After the fatal battle of Hittyn, where Guy and Arnold (as above mentioned) were taken, Saladin divided his prisoners; some were sold, others put to death; and among the last, all the commanders of the hospitallers and templars. On the taking of Ptolemais by the crusaders, some difference arising between them and Saladin about the terms of the capitulation, the crusaders led the captive Mussulmans out of the city into a plain, and there, in cold blood, murdered three thousand.a Customs, in all times and in all countries, have a singular effect. When the French ambassadors were introduced to Saladin, he was playing with a favourite son, by name Elemir. The child no sooner beheld the ambassadors with their faces shaved, their hair cut, and their garments of an unusual form, than he was terrified, and began to cry. A beard, perhaps, would have terrified a child in France; and yet, if beards are the gift of nature, it seems easier to defend the little Arabian." Bohadin, our historian, appears to have thought so; who, mentioning a young Frank, of high quality, describes him to be a fine youth, except that his face was shaved; a mark, as he calls it, by which the Franks are distinguished. We cannot quit Saladin, without a word on his liberality. He used to say, it was possible there might exist a man (and by such man it was supposed he meant himself) who with the same eye of contempt could look on riches and on dirt.d These seem to have been his sentiments, when some of his revenue-officers were convicted of putting into his treasury purses of brass for purses of gold. By the rigour of Eastern justice they might have immediately been executed; but Saladin did no more than dismiss them from their office. When his treasury was so empty that he could not supply his largesses, in order to have it in his power, he sold his very furniture.' When his army was encamped in the plains of Ptolemais, it was computed he gave away no less than twelve thousand horses; See Abulpharagius, p. 273. Bohadin, p. 73. Abulfedæ Excerpta, p. 42. Matth. Paris, p. 145. Fuller's Holy War, b. ii. c. 46. p. 106. a See Bohadin, p. 70, for the Templars, and p. 183, for the Mussulmans; also Ful ler's Holy War, b. ii. c. 45. P. 105. nay, it was said he never mounted a horse, which was not either given away, or promised. g Bohadin, whom he employed in most of his acts of munificence, relates, that all who approached him were sensible of its effects; nay, that he exceeded in his donations even the unreasonable wishes of the petitioners, although he was never heard to boast of any favour that he had conferred." The effect of such immense liberality was, that, when he died, out of all the vast revenues of Egypt, Syria, the Oriental Provinces, and Arabia Felix, there was no more left in his treasury than forty-seven pieces of silver, and one of gold; so that they were forced to borrow money, to defray the expenses of his funeral.i As to the facts respecting the Western crusaders at this period, and particularly Saladin's great antagonist, Richard Cœur de Leon, these are subjects reserved, till we come to the Latins, or Franks. We shall now say something concerning Arabian poetry and works of invention, adding, withal, a few more anecdotes relative to their manners and character. CHAPTER VII. ARABIAN POETRY, AND WORKS OF INVENTION-FACTS RELATIVE TO THEIR MANNERS AND CHARACTERS. ARABIAN poetry is so immense a field, that he who enters it is in danger of being lost. It was their favourite study long before the time of Mahomet, and many poems are still extant of an earlier era. So much did they value themselves upon the elegance of their compositions, that they called their neighbours, and more particularly the Persians, Barbarians. It seems unfortunate for these last, that the old Greeks should have distinguished them by the same appellation." If we reckon among pieces of poetry, not the metrical only, but those also the mere efforts of invention and imagination, (such as the incomparable Telemachus, of the truly eloquent Fenelon,) we may justly range in this class the Arabian Nights, and the Turkish Tales. They are valuable, not only for ex |