individuality will I hope long continue; and co-existent with it, I can truly assure you will be my proud remembrance of our long connexion, my readiness on all occasions to prove my regard towards you, and my anxiety to promote the general interests of a town, in the government of which, as a corporate body, you have never failed to evince loyalty to the crown, attachment to the constitution, and an administration of your official functions, at once diligent, faithful, and exemplary.

I have the honour to be,

Sir, and Gentlemen,

Your most faithful and obliged friend and Servant,

Belvoir Castle, 28 December, 1835.

RUTLAND.

There is one other public occasion, the notice of which will complete this sketch of the Duke's character, and shew him to be identified in heart and feeling with that class upon whose welfare the permanent prosperity of this country must always depend. At a meeting of the Waltham Agricultural Association, October, 1839, the Duke expressed himself as follows:

"Now, then, let me also express the great delight that I experience at seeing myself surrounded on this occasion by a company so highly respectable, so numerous, and so influential,-drawn, as I hope, from every class of the community, and all equally anxious to further the objects for which we are here assembled, viz. the promotion of the agriculture and husbandry of the country, and the encouragement of all honest and industrious labourers. That this is an object of a most important character, no one can for a moment doubt who considers what is the end and purpose of agriculture. For, what is that purpose but to make the earth produce and support, in the largest possible way, and in the greatest possible perfection, those vegetables and animals which are alike necessary for the subsistence, and useful for the accommodation, of mankind. It follows, then, that the agriculturist and the husbandman, the farmer and the grazier, should be men of skill and knowledge; and for this reason,—because their pursuit cannot be successfully accomplished unless they possess a

M

thorough knowledge of the most important objects of nature-of the relation which those objects bear to each other, I mean the relations which subsist between the soil, and the plants, and the seasons. I am prepared to go a step further, and contend that, on the success and improvement of agriculture, the permanent prosperity of a nation may depend. By the improvement of agriculture, the moral benefit of mankind is effected. For, what is the tendency of improved agriculture but to increase our own species, and what further tendency has it but to enlarge the intellectual faculties, by giving opportunities of studying and perfecting the arts and sciences, of which I contend agriculture is a most important part. Thus, you will perceive, that the strength of a nation must be increased by the degree of skill with which agriculture is carried forward. I say undoubtedly her independence will be secured by growing within her own confines that food necessary for the subsistence of its inhabitants. Have I not, then, proved the importance of such associations as this, the prosperity of which I have proposed? Let me not be supposed, in urging the cause of agriculture, to have any, the slightest intention to decry or injure that of the manufactures of this country; for these form the two great arms of strength of the country. United they must be, and for ever indivisible; and those who attempt to divide them must have objects of which they ought to be ashamed. For myself, I am quite sure if I had any such intention as that which I have deprecated, I should be faithless to the welfare of the great county in which we are here at this moment assembled, and in which the two great interests of agriculture and manufactures are almost equally divided, and closely blended together. It has ever been my impression that there ought never to be a division between those two interests, and that whatever operates beneficially or otherwise upon the one interest, cannot fail to have a similar effect on the other. I consider the relation between agriculture and manufactures precisely that of a parent and his child. We all know that agriculture is the most ancient interest we have heard of. If we look into the sacred volume of the scriptures, and in the second page of that book, it appears that our first parent was ejected from the garden of Eden,-to do what? To till the ground. And I might observe, that it has ever appeared to me as one of the most remarkable illustrations of that which ought ever to be the creed of every christian,—

that the very chastisement and punishment of an all-wise and merciful Creator are always blended with munificence. For what did the punishment in this case go to? Why it was intended to be a blessing, and to be the very subsistence of mankind. The best evidence that in this county there is a most complete union of sentiment between the agriculturist and the manufacturer, is the circumstances which transpired during the late session of parliament at the time that important subject-the corn lawswas under discussion. I was charged with the presentation to the house of lords of two most important petitions; the one from the district of the Waltham Agricultural Association, signed by more than three thousand persons-more than eleven hundred of them being agricultural labourers:—and the other from the important manufacturing town of Leicester, signed by four thousand respectable persons-twelve hundred of them manufacturing operatives;-both praying for a continuance of the present corn laws. And what was the important fact mentioned in the petition from the manufacturing operatives of Leicester? It was this. Whilst the proportion of goods manufactured for the foreign market occupied them one year with another about eight weeks; they had to trust entirely, during the remaining forty-four weeks of the year, upon the home markets for their support and livelihood. I ask you then, whether it is possible to conceive a fact more strongly proving the intimate union which subsists between agriculture and manufactures? I have briefly alluded to the corn laws. Now it chances that, on looking over some old papers a short time ago, I laid my hands on a very extraordinary letter, and which contains such solid argument on that subject that, if the company will allow me, I will read it to them. It is from a nobleman in the country to a friend in London, and runs as follows:

"Sir, I doubt not but by this time you are very deep in the faculty of law-making. I desire much, that if any laws be past, we may have the heads of the heads of them; the titles of the chiefest.

"I had some conference with Sir R. Buller concerning a bill that no corn should be imported until it came to some extraordinary price. Of this having some consideration, there seem to me many reasons very strong for the converting of this bill into a statute.

"A first is, because the importation of corn is an exportation

of money; and that, even in case of necessity, is a hurt to the common wealth, though then tolerable for the avoiding of a greater hurt; but in unnecessary cases altogether inexcusable.

"Secondly, if importation be unlimitedly allowed, the cheapness of corn will take away the benefit of husbandry; and the benefit being taken away, husbandry itself (which is usually undertaken for benefit) will decay. And if husbandry decay, there are likely to grow two main inconveniencies: the one, that the poor must starve for the want of work, the effect whereof hath too much appeared in the conversion of tillage into sheep-pasture; a second, that in short time, this kingdom, to be set to a rent, will be less worth per annum many thousand pounds. For I think within this twenty years husbandry hath in many places doubled the yearly value of land, which, if tillage decay, is likely to return to the ancient meanness.

"And whereas there is a seeming objection that importation makes cheapness, and cheapness seems to favour the poor; I affirm that this importation will especially hurt the poor, and for their sakes especially it is to be forbidden; for if corn be cheap, and the poor man have no money, what avails it to him that corn is cheap, when he can not buy it? If money be carried out of the country, and the poor man be not set on work by reason of the decay of tillage, I wonder how he shall buy this cheap corn without money? I think it were better that corn were for seven shillings a bushel, and yet by reason of tillage the poor man should earn eighteen pence or two shillings a week, than corn being at five shillings, he should earn twelve pence, or perchance nothing. For without question, half of the work at least will be abated. Besides there are two inconveniences at this time which accompany cheapness, and make it unprofitable to the poorest sort of men. The one is, the wickedness of bakers, of whom I hear it reported, that at this time they make their bread after ten shillings the bushel; a second, of the town merchants, who buy ship loads of corn, and sell it so much under the ordinary price as may serve to undo the husbandman, and yet so near the price, that the poor hath far less benefit by it than the commonwealth, yea themselves, have harm.

"Thus I have expressed to you the considerations which entered into my thoughts upon this business, which, if you think them worth the mentioning, I pray you to communicate to Sir R. Buller, which I do not to add to better judgments, but rather to submit

them to their approbation. And I wish that this letter may be prevented by a statute before it come to your hands.

"And so wishing you the direction of the highest, and that the hand of the Almighty may be with you all, unto the making of laws wholesome and restorative for this poor and sinful land, I take leave, ever resting,

"Yours most assuredly to be commanded, April 30.* F. Rous." (De Roos.) 66 Το my loving and much esteemed cousin, Richard Carey, Esq. London."

In concluding the history of Belvoir Castle, it will probably be found useful, as a concise arrangement for reference, to subjoin a tabular statement of the number of generations, succession, &c., of its noble possessors since the conquest.

This letter is supposed to be three or four centuries old.