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to the whole, Dr. B. prefixed a succinct account of the progressive improvement of the health of the inhabitants of the metropolis:

While the metropolis has extended itself in all directions, and multiplied its inhabitants to an enormous amount, i. e. while the apparent causes of its unhealthiness have been augmented, it has actually become more favourable to health. In the year 1697, for example, the total mortality of London was 20,970; whereas the total mortality of 1797 amounted only to 17,014; and when we take into consideration the great increase of the population of the Out-parishes at the latter period, the comparative healthiness of London will appear in very strong colours. But the healthy condition of the metropolis seems to have been more particularly produced within the last fifty years, during which period it has most rapidly increased in extent and population. Until nearly the middle of the eighteenth century, the mortality kept pace, in some measure, with the advancing population: the average number of deaths annually, from the year 1720 to 1730, was 27,492; and the average number from the latter year to 1740 was 26,492; but so late as the year 1746 the annual number of deaths was 28,157.'

It has been remarked, also, by Dr. B., as well as by preceding writers, that a striking change has taken place with regard to the diseases most prevalent and fatal in London. Plague, which formerly carried off such multitudes of victims, has not appeared in it for many years. Intermittent fever, in like manner, now rarely if ever occurs, unless the patient has been exposed to the influence of marsh miasmata, in some other part of the kingdom; and Dr. B. states two interesting cases in his Reports, where the effects of such exposure remained dormant in the frame for many weeks. Dysentery also has long ceased to spread among the inhabitants of London, with the virulence and fatality which it formerly possessed; and scurvy, which was of such frequent occurrence in the metropolis, is now (to use the words of Dr. Heberden) "unknown in London, or nearly so."

Dr. Bateman very judiciously illustrates the unhealthiness of London in former periods by comparing a great city to a camp, and pointing out the causes that favor the development of the diseases which we have mentioned.

A large town is but an extensive camp, so constructed as to be destitute of the means of changing its situation; and therefore liable to be infested with the same diseases, as are endemic in camps, unless all the requisite precautions be fully adopted. Hence the necessity for the construction of privies, drains, and common sewers, and the advantages of a flowing stream, by which all impurities may be carried off, as well as of an abundant supply of water, for the purposes of cleanliness, and of a hard and regular

pavement, preserved in a cleanly condition by proper scavengers, &c. in every crowded town. Wherever these precautions are neglected, intermittent and remittent fevers, and dysentery, will not fail to appear, especially in or after wet and hot seasons: for, in the wet seasons, collections of filth accumulate, and, in great heats, they more readily putrify and evaporate.'·

The accumulation of filth and moisture in the streets, especi ally the narrow ones, for a considerable period after the great fire, was aided by various circumstances; bad and ill-repaired pavements, obstruction to the free current of air, water from the spouts, the habit of throwing all the refuse of victuals, &c. into the streets, of feeding animals, such as goats, hogs, and poultry, in them, &c. Noorthouck affirms, "that no considerable reformation had taken place in the pavement, since the fire of London, when the improvements were commenced about 60 years ago in Westminster. The high streets had indeed flat pavements on each side for foot-passengers, but these were very negligently repaired. Projecting spouts in narrow old streets still poured their collected rain from the roofs of the houses, impetuously upon the dripping passengers; while in all the streets, large sign-boards hung across by irons fixed to the fronts of the houses, which, in proportion to the abilities of shopkeepers, were carried to extravagant degrees of ostentation, and not only obstructed the view, but also the free circulation of the air; grating the ear with most discordant creaking as they swung to and fro in windy weather. The middle of the streets were paved with large pebbles, of all sizes and shapes, rough to the horse and uneasy to the rider, which being continually worn by carriages into dangerous holes, the mud lay in too great quantities to suffer the streets to be called clean, except in extreme dry weather, when the dust was as troublesome as the dirt while wet." Many of the narrower streets continued altogether unpaved, until after the occurrence of the fire; the sewers, at the same time, were in a very neglected state, and the drains all ran above ground. And although the water of the Thames had been partially conveyed to the city, so early as 1582, by a machine erected in one of the arches of London Bridge, by a German engineer, and that important acquisition the New River had been brought to the metropolis in 1613, yet the supply of that great necessary of life, which is now conveyed into every house, continued to be but scantily obtained for many years subsequent to those periods. But if in these general and external circumstances, the metropolis was in a condition to generate the miasmata, which, whether in camps or towns, are the exciting causes of endemic diseases, the internal economy of the dwellings was calculated at once to give efficiency to those causes, and to aggravate the diseases which they produced. Indeed, when we compare the domestic habits of our ancestors with those of our contemporaries, and consider their respective notions in regard to the importance of cleanliness, ventilation, and the close or open situation of their houses, we can no longer be surprized, that the former suffered almost constantly from some endemic or epidemic disease, and

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that in the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries, (to say nothing of the 17th,) few years have elapsed without the occurrence of a considerable pestilence. In what a comparative condition of filth (if a degree of comparison lower than this can now be conceived) must the poor have lived in those times; -the poor, who now occupy, in separate apartments, the very houses in the courts and alleys of London, which were formerly inhabited by the rich; even by the comptrollers of the King's household!"

A few diseases, on the other hand, have become more prevalent than formerly in our metropolis; at the head of which stands consumption. It cannot be denied that this fatal malady is now much more frequent; although it must be admitted that many deaths are referred to this source which have arisen from causes altogether different. Apoplexy, palsy, sudden death, and gout, are likewise stated by Dr. B. as presenting a regular though less considerable increase; being consequences, no doubt, of the greater luxury of our modes of living. Mental derangement also appears decidedly to be now of more frequent occurrence: on which subject Dr. Willan remarked, with great feeling and beauty of expression,

"Those of the superior order, whom their friends consign to various mansions of security, are not the victims of disappointed ambition, or of inordinate affections; not dissipated females sunk to ruin by their extravagance, nor men who have lost their all in the whirlpools of St. James's Street: but residents nearer the Royal Exchange; some of them shattered by unhealthy climates, some by overstraining the faculties both of body and mind, in the acquisition of wealth; some ruined by deceiving, and, perhaps, self-deceived projectors; others by the most daring commercial speculations; and a few, whose understanding has been overset by mistaken views of religion."

To conclude these general remarks on the diseases of London, we may mention the singular circumstance that the most salubrious season of past times is now the most unhealthy in that metropolis. Autumn, which was formerly of all periods the most fruitful of disease, is now the least so; and Spring, which in early times of the history of London was the most wholesome season, is now that in which disease is most prevalent.

The total number of patients attended by my colleague and myself in the 12 years included by the Reports, is 26,651, exclusive of those under the care of the surgeon, and of these the number of applicants in the four seasons respectively stands as follows, viz.

September to November inclusive

June to August

December to February
March to May

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Or, if we take an average of these numbers, the comparative salubrity of the seasons will stand thus:

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We have not space to enter into any detailed account of the Quarterly Reports of Dr. B., which have been so long before the public, and have every where been received with high and merited approbation. Although inferior to the great model which he held up to his view, both in the present work and in his treatise on Cutaneous Diseases, Dr. Bateman must be admitted to have been a worthy follower of Dr. Willan: bidding fair to equal, if not to surpass, the fame of that distinguished physician, had his life been prolonged until his professional experience was fully matured, and his talents were unfolded in all the perfection of which they were capable.

ART. IX. A Remonstrance addressed to Mr. John Murray, respecting a recent Publication. 8vo. 1s. Rivingtons. 1822. ART. X. A Letter to Sir Walter Scott, Bart., in Answer to the “Remonstrance" of Oxoniensis on the Publication of " Cain, a Mystery," by Lord Byron. 8vo. pp. 85. Rodwell and Martin. ART. XI. Revolutionary Causes: with a brief Notice of some late Publications; and a Postscript, containing Strictures on "Cain," &c. 8vo. pp. 100. Cawthorn.

ART. XII. The Wrath of Cain; a Boyle Lecture, delivered at the Church of St. Martin's in the Fields, Feb. 6. 1822. By the Rev. William Harness, A. M. 8vo. 3s. 6d. Rivingtons. ART. XIII. A Vindication of the "Paradise Lost" from the Charge of exculpating "Cain, a Mystery." By Philo-Milton. 8vo. pp. 60. Rivingtons.

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É are zealous advocates for freedom of inquiry on every subject, whether in morals, politics, or religion, and never can doubt that the cause of truth must be ultimately benefited by fair and candid discussion. Neither are we disposed to exclude poets from our commonwealth, or to prevent them from entering the field as metaphysical or moral gladiators. Indeed, the facilities which they enjoy of giving prominency to particular parts of the subject, and the licence with which they are indulged of bold and exaggerated expression, make them powerful champions of any opinions which they may happen to adopt. This privilege is doubtless susceptible of abuse; and, under the disguise of a poetic tale or a drama, a writer may give plausibility to opinions which it would be more difficult to maintain by regular arguments in

plain prose, may keep back all real objections, and may throw a coloring over sophistries which in a more logical course of warfare would soon be detected and exposed. Still the power of the poet is limited; and, if he has dangerous privileges as a reasoner, he also labors under considerable disadvantages. A prose-writer, who addresses himself to the understanding, and canvasses an abstract subject, is allowed to inform though he cannot interest, and to instruct though he may be destitute of any power to dazzle the imagination or to awaken the passions: but a poet must interest his reader, or his work will be laid aside. The

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"Haud satis est pulchra esse poemata, dulcia sunto,"

is the injunction of a master in the art. A póet must work his way through the sympathies of his readers. He must reach the heart by its ordinary approaches. He may amaze for a while, and astound, but he can never delight mankind by throwing aside humanity. He not only must not outrage common sense, but he treads on very dangerous ground if he ventures to disregard the habits, or to defy the prejudices, of the age or the country in which he lives.

If, then, in one point of view a poet has a dangerous facility of insinuating false reasoning, and mistaken views of human nature, into the minds of those who are unaccustomed to read for any other purpose than diversion, and are undisciplined in resisting casual impressions, his power is checked on the other hand by the very constitution of human nature; since those who are least habituated to think are the most offended, when the ordinary train of their thoughts and the usual dreams of their nature are for a moment disturbed.

With regard to the drama of "Cain," we have already given our opinion (Rev. for January last) that Lord Byron there employed in a very reprehensible manner the latitude in which poets are indulged. Under the characters of Cain and of Lucifer, he concentrated all the arguments which Manicheism can devise, and urged these arguments in pointed and vigorous language, while he has not brought forwards any one to controvert them; though, as the dialogue between Lucifer and Cain may in fact be deemed the soliloquy of Cain under disordered impressions, it surely would have been only fair to have introduced some more favorable views of nature, and some comments on the evidence of benevolence in the Creator, in the conversation of Adam with his son. Nevertheless, the mischievous tendency of this drama has probably been over-rated by some persons. The misery in which Cain is involved, by listening to the solicitations of the Evil One,

should

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