LETTER LVIII. SELIM, TO MIRZA AT ISPAHAN. It has been an ufual piece of vanity T has been an ufual piece of vanity prefent the original conftitutions of their refpe&tive ftates as founded on deep-laid fyftems and plans of policy, in which they imagine that they difcover the utmoft refinements of human wisdom; whereas, in truth, they are often the effects of downright chance, and produced by the force of certain circumftances, or the fimple dictates of nature itself, out of a regard to fome prefent expediency, and with little providence to the future. Such was the original of the celebrated Gothick government, that was formerly spread all over Europe. It was produced, not in a cabinet, but a camp; and owes much lefs to the prudence of a legiflator, than to the neceffity of the times which gave it birth. The people that introduced it into Britain, and every where else, were a multitude of foldiers, unacquainted with any thing but war: their leader, for the better carrying it on, was invefted with a fort of regal power; and when it happened that the war continued long, he acquired a prescriptive authority over thofe who had been accustomed to obey his orders; but this authority was directed by the advice of the other officers, and dependant on the good liking of the army, from which alone it was derived: in like manner, the first revenues of this leader were nothing more than a title to a larger fhare in the common booty, or 'the voluntary contributions of the foldiers out of the wealth acquired under his command: but had he attempted to take a horfe or cow, or any part of the plunder, from the meaneft foldier, without his free confent, a mutiny would certainly have enfued, and the violation of property been revenged. From thefe principles, we may naturally draw the whole form of the Saxon or Gothick government. When thele invaders became mafters of kingdoms, and not only ravaged them, but fettled there, the general was changed into a king, the officers into nobles, the council of war FROM LONDON. into a council of ftate, and the body of the foldiery itself into a general affembly of all the freemen. A principal fhare of the conquefts, as it had been of the fpoils, was freely allotted to the prince, and the reft by him diftributed according to rank and merit among his troops and followers, under certain conditions agreeable to the Saxon customs. Hence the different tenures, and the fervices founded upon them; hence the vaffalage, or rather fervitude, of the conquered, who were obliged to till the lands which they had luft, for the con querors who had gained them, or at best to hold them of thofe new proprietors on fuch hard and flavish terms as they thought fit to impofe. Hence likewife the riches of the clergy, and their early authority in the ftate: for thofe people, being ignorant and fuperftitious in the fame degree, and heated with the zeal of a new converfion, thought they could not do too much for their teachers, but, with a confiderable thare of the conquered lands, admitted them to a large participation of dominion itself. Thus, without any fettled defign, or fpeculative skill, this conftitution in a manner formed itself; and it was the better for that reafon, as there was more of nature in it, and little of political mystery, which, wherever it prevails, is the bane of publick good. A government so eftablished could admit of no pretence of a power in the king tranfcendent to law, or an unalterable right in the fucceflion. It could never come into the heads of fuch a people, that they were to fubmit to a tyranny for confcience fake; or, that their liberties were not every way as facred as the prerogative of their prince. They could never be brought to understand, that there was fuch a thing as reason of fate distinct from the common reason of mankind; much lefs would they allow pernicious measures to pafs unquestioned, or unpunished, under the ridiculous fanction of that name. LETTER LIX. SELIM, TO MIRZA AT ISPAHAN. I Gave thee in my last a fhort account of the first rife and construction of the Saxon government, on very plain and fimple foundations. It was, perhaps, the most free of all the limited monarchies that have been known in the world. The nobles and people had such a fhare in the legiflature, and fuch a weight in the government, that the king could do nothing but with their affitt. ance, and by their advice. He could not oppress them by force, because they were armed and he was not, unless when they employed their arms in his fervice for the defence of the kingdom. He could not corrupt them; for all of fices of power or judicature were then elective, the eftate of the crown was held unalienable, and only fufficed to maintain the expence of the royal houfehold and civil government. No caufes were tried but by juries, even in fpiritual matters; fo that the lives and properties of the people could not be touched.without their own co-operation, either by the king, the nobles, or clergy. To all this was joined the best police that any nation ever enjoyed, except the Chinele, among whoin many of the fame regulations have been established with a conformity very furprizing, as it is certain that neither copied the other. Such was the Saxon conftitution, when by the wisdom and virtue of two or three great kings it had received it's final perfection. The only effential defect of it was, the exceffive immunities granted to churchmen, which made them too independent upon the civil authority, and very burthenfome to the fate. This form of government continued unaltered in it's principal parts, till the Norman invafion, which, like a foreign weight roughly laid upon the fprings, difturbed and obftructed it's FROM LONDON. proper motions: yet, by degrees, it re covered itself again; and, how ill foever the Saxon people might be treated, under the notion of a conqueft, the Saxon con. fitution was never wholly fubdued. The new comers relifhed flavery no better than the old inhabitants; and gladly joined with them, upon a fenfe of mutual intereft, to force a confirmation of their freedom and the ancient laws. Indeed, there was fo great a conformity be tween the government of Normandy and that of England, the customs of both nations were fo much the fame, that, unlefs the Normans, by conquering this ifland, had lott their original rights, and fought on purpose to degrade themselves and their pofterity, it was impoffible their kings could have a right to absolute power. So far was that nation from owning any fuch right, that, in conjunction with the English, they demanded and obtained of their kings charters declaring their liberties, not as grants derived from the favour, or inno vations forced from the weakness, but as acknowledgments due from the juftice, of the crown. As fuch the beft and greatest princes confidered those charters; as fuch they confirmed and obferved them: and when they were difputed, or broken by others of a different character, civil wars enfued, which ended to the disadvantage of the crown. But the misfortune was, that, in all thefe ftruggles, the bishops and nobles treated for the people, not the people for themselves; and therefore their interefts were much neglected, and the advantages gained from the king were much more beneficial to the church and nobility than to those who were under their patronage. I will fay more on this head when I write next. LETTER LETTER LX. SELIM, TO MIRZA AT ÍSPAHAṀ. HOU wilt be furprized to hear that TROM LONDON. with the spoils of the crown itself, was THOU wilt be to with enjoyed the greatest happiness, after the Norman invafion, was under the influence of a woman. As much as we Perfians fhould defpife a female ruler, it was not till the reign of Queen Eliza. beth, that the government came to an equal balance, which is it's true ftate of perfection. Though the Commons of England had regained, by degrees, and in a dif ferent bape, that thare of the legitlature, which was in a great measure loft by them under the first Norman kings, yet their power was not fo great as it had been in the Saxon witenagemote, or general affembly, nor their condition fo happy in many refpects; for the chief ftrength of the government refided in the great lords and the clergy, who fupremely directed all publick affairs. The proceedings of the Commons could not be free in their reprefentative body, while in their collective body they were weak and oppreffed. The laws of vaffalage, the authority of the church, the poverty and dependancy in which they lived, hung heavy upon them; so that they were obliged to act in subserviency to the nobles and bishops, even when they fhewed most vigour against the crown, following the passions of both upon many occafions in the parliament and in the field, and making or unmaking kings as thefe their immediate mafters defired. But, in return for their fervices, they often obtained a redrefs of their griev ances, revenged themselves upon bad minifters, and obtained good laws for the commonwealth. To whatever purposes their strength might be used, though to the purposes of faction, by being used it increased. The crown at last itself affifted the growth of it, in oppofition to that of the church and the nobility. The bonds of vaffalage were broke or lightened; the barons were by different laws encouraged and enabled to part with their lands; the weight of property was transferred to the fide of the people. Many accidents concurred to the fame effect. A reformation in religion was begun, by which that mighty fabrick of church power, erected on the ruins of publick liberty, and adorned great part of the immenfe poffeffions of the clergy was taken away, and most of it fold to the commons upon eafy terms. They had now a very confiderable fare of the lands of England, and a ftill greater treasure in their commerce, which they were beginning to extend and improve. Their riches fecured their independency; the clergy feared them, and the nobles could not hurt them. In this ftate Queen Elizabeth found the parliament: the lords and commons were nigh upon a level, and the church in a decent fubordination. She was the head of this well-proportioned body, and fupremely directed all it's motions, Thus, what in mixed forms of government seldom happens, there was no conteft for power in the legislature; because no part was fo high as to be uncontrouled, or fo low as to be oppreffed. A reformation of religion was compleatly eftablished by this excellent princess; which entirely rescued the nation from that foreign yoke the pope had imposed upon it for fo many centuries, and from the dominion of superstition, the worst of all flavery. The next great benefits that the conferved upon her fubjects, were the extenfion of commerce into all parts of the world, and the foundation of their maritime power, which is their true, natural greatness. Under her it began; and the lived to carry it to fuch a height, as to make them really lords of the fea, an empire more glorious than that of the Sophi our mafter, and richer than that of the Mogul. In doing this, fhe did more for England than her greateft predeceffors had ever done; far more than those who conqueredFrance, though they could have fecured it to their pofferity. These were the arts by which the ruled, and by thefe fhe was able to preferve her authority; nay, and to extend it further upon certain occafions than very abfolute princes could do, even while the affifted her people in the corroborating and confirming their liberty. The ftrength of her power was their fatisfaction; and every other happiness followed that, as every misfortune and difgrace is fure to attend on their dif content. I 2 LET I LETTER LXI. SELIM, TO MIRZA AT ISPAHAN. Ended my last letter with the felicity of Elizabeth's reign. Very different was that of her fucceffor James the Firt: for his character and conduct were the reverfe of her's. He endeavoured to break the balance of the government, by her fo wifely fixed; and wanted to be greater than her, without one quality that could render him capable of filling her place. He had neither courage, ability, nor addrefs: he was contemned both at home and abroad; his very favourites did not love him, though he was governed by them in every thing, nor did they maintain their dominion by his affections to much as by his fears. Yet this meanest of kings made great advances towards abfolute power; and would have compleatly obtained it, if he could have found means to have introduced the fame luxury into the nation as he did into the court, with, the conftant attendant of luxury, the fame corruption. But the virtue infuled by Elizabeth into the mass of the people, and the indigence of the crown, topt the contagion from fpreading fo far: the commons refifted it, though the lords and the bishops did not; and fore check was given to the defigns of the king, yet not enough for the fecuring of liberty, or preventing the evils bis conduct prepared for the following reign. The clergy, whom he attached to his interefts by favouring theirs, or what they took to be theirs, more than a wife prince would, or a good prince ought to have done, were very affiftant to him, by preaching up notions which he and they feem to have borrowed from our religion, of a right divine in kings, neither derived from human laws, nor to be limited by them; and other fuch Mahometan tenets, that had never been heard of before in this country: yet there were many who difliked thefe innovations, and their oppofition hindered them from taking deep root in any minds but thofe of the royal family. Thefe obftinate proteftants and patriots were branded with the name of Puritans, and much hated by James, ard Charles his fon, who, upon the decease of the FROM LONDON. former, fucceeded to his kingdoms, his notions, and his defigns. He had many be ter qualifications than his father, but as wrong a judgnient, and greater obstinacy. He carred his affection for the clergy, and abhorrence of the Puritans, to an excess of bigotry and rage. He agreed fo ill with his parliaments, that he foon grew weary of them, and refolved to be trou bled with no more; none were called for twelve years together, and all that time he governed as defpotically as the Sophi of Perfia. The laws were either openly infringed, or explained in the manner he directed he levied money upon his fubjects against privileges exprefsly confirmed by himself. In fhort, his passion for power might have been fully gratified, if his more prevailing one to bigotry had not engaged him in a fenfelefs undertaking, of forcing the fame form of worship upon his fubjects in Scotland, as he had declared himfelf fo warmly for in England. It is fafer to attack men in their civil rights, than their religious opinions: the Scots, who had acquiefced under tyranny, took up arms against perfecution. Their infurrection made it neceffary to call a parliament; it met, but was inftantly diffolved by the intemperate folly of the court. hopes of better measures were put an end to by this latt provocation. The Scots marched into England, and were received by the English, not as enemies, but as brothers and allies: the king, unable to oppofe them, was compelled to afk the aid of another parliament. A parliament met, exafperated with the oppreffions of fifteen years: the principal members were men of the greatest capacity, courage, and virtue, firmly united among themfelves, and whom the court could neither corrupt nor intimidate. They refolved to make ufe of the opportunity to redress their grievances and fecure their liberty; the king granted every thing that was neceffary to either of thofe ends, except fuch fecurities as might have been turned against himself; but what, perhaps, was really conceffion, had the appearance of conftraint, and there All fore føre gained neither gratitude nor confidence: the nation could no longer trust the king; or, if it might, particular men could not; and the fupport of thofe particular men was become a national concern: they had expofed them felves by ferving the publick; the publick therefore judged that it was bound in juftice to defend them. Nor indeed was it poffible, when the work of reformation was begun, after fo long a denial of justice, to keep a people, fore with the remembrance of injuries received and fatisfaction refufed, within the bounds of a proper moderation. Such a fobriety is much easier in speculation than it ever was in practice. Thus, partly for the fafety of their leaders, and partly from a jealoufy of his intentions too justly conceived, the parliament drew the fword against the king: but the fword, when drawn, was no longer theirs; it was quickly turned against them by thofe to whofe hands they trufted it: the honefteft and wifeft of both parties were outwitted and overpowered by villains; the king perished, and the conftitution perished with him. A private man, whofe genius was called forth by the troubles of his country, and formed in the exercife of faction, ufurped the government. His character was as extraordinary as his fortune: he had an air of enthufiafin, which gained all thofe who were real enthufiafts, (the number of whom was great in thofe days) and put him at their head. That he was one himfelf in fome degree may be fuppofed, notwithstanding the prudence with which he conducted all his defigns; because the fame fpark of enthusiaẩm which makes common men mad, may, in certain conjunctures, only capacitate others of fuperior abilities to undertake and perform extraordinary things. Whether Cromwell was one of thefe, or acted entirely from political cunning, the times he lived in could not discover; and much lefs can the prefent. Thus far is certain, that, by an uncommon appearance of zeal, by great address, and great valour, he firit enflamed the spirit of liberty into extravagance, and afterwards duped and awed it into fubmiffion, He trampled on the laws of the nation, but he raised the glory of it, and it is hard to fay, which he deserved moft, a halter or a crown. "If the enthufiafts of his own party would have permitted him to have taken the title of king as well as the power, it is probable the royalty might have been fixed in his family by a well-modelled and lafting establishment. He fhewed a great defire to carry that point; and I have heard him compared in this inftance to Julius Cæfar, a great Roman general, who, like him, having maftered his country by it's own arms, and being poffeffed of more than the power of a king, was fo fond of adding the name to it, that it cost him his life. But the two cafes were totally different. What in the Roman was a weak vanity, and below the rest of his character, was in the Englishman folid good fenfe. The one could not take that name without deftroying the forms of the Roman conftitution; the other could not preferve the forms of the English confiitution without taking that name. He therefore did wifely in feeking it; but not being able to bring his own friends to confent to it, or to do it against their oppofition, he could make no fettlement of the government to out-laft his own life for it is hardly poffible, from the nature of things, that a dominion newly acquired fhould long be maintained in any country, if the ancient forms and names are not kept up. Immediately after the death of this great man, all order was loft in the ftate: various tyrannies were fet up, and deftroyed each other; but all fhewed a republick to be impracticable. At last the nation, growing weary of fuch wild confufion, agreed to recal the banished fon of their murdered king, not for his fake, but for the fake of the monarchy, which all the nation defired to reflore; and fo inconfiderate was the zeal of thofe times, that they restored it without any limitations, or any conditions made før the publick. Thus the fruits of a tedious civil war were lightly and carelessly thrown away by too hally a paffion for repofe. The conftitution revived indeed again, but revived as fickly as before: the ill humours, which ought to have been purged away by the violent remedies that had been used, continued as prevalent as ever, and naturally broke out in the fame diftempers. The king wanted to fet himlelf above the law; 1 wicked men encouraged this difpofition; and many good men were weak enough to comply with it, out of averfion to thofe principles of refiftance which they had feen fo fatally abufed. LETTE |