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CHAP.

VII.

Family of
Henry,
Duke of
Saxony.

bers of the diet in declaring war against Francis in the name of the empire," and in voting the requisite subsidies for carrying on both it and the war against the Turks.

With the progress of the war we have here no concern. Its termination by the peace of Crespy, in September 1544, has been already mentioned. Some of the objects which the emperor had in view in concluding that peace will hereafter come under notice, when we speak of the important changes which followed it; but at present we will pause upon the period which has thus been reviewed, and present several details appropriate to the special design of this work.

Henry duke of Saxony (whose death is mentioned near the beginning of the above extract,) was advanced in years, and but feeble in mind, when he succeeded his brother George: and, though he concurred with some vigour in the elector's plans for establishing the reformation in his dominions, yet he had feelings of jealousy towards that prince, which were cherished by his late brother's counsellors, whose assistance he found necessary, and whose influence with 1539 him increased during his short reign of little more than two years. Previously to his accession he had joined the protestant league, and he did not actually withdraw from it, though his attachment to it was evidently languid. 2 He had two sons, Maurice and Augustus, both of whom successively inherited his dignities. The marriage of the elder, Maurice, with the daughter of the landgrave was a sudden measure, and not thought

1541.

1540.

Robertson, iii. 221, 233, 255–265. 2 Seck. iii. 214, 218, 223, 371.

to be very agreeable to his parents; but it proved, in the admirable ordinations of providence, an essential link in that remarkable series of events, in which Maurice, having first been a principal instrument of the emperor in subverting, as it appeared, the protestant cause in Germany, afterwards became the means of giving it permanent and independent establishment, and of frustrating all the emperor's ambitious designs.-Seckendorf piously remarks the superintending hand of providence in overruling the novel course into which this young prince struck out, which appears to have been dictated by deep and artful ambition, and which occasioned so much anxiety and distress to his protestant friends. Could he have been brought zealously to coöperate with them, they would have been ready to think themselves secure against the attempts of their enemies : yet very probably he would have been overwhelmed along with them; and then, humanly speaking, no power would have remained to restore either the liberties of Germany, or the protestant religion within the empire.2

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A. D.

1542.

Elector and

I trust the representation which Dr. Robertson Quarrel makes of the elector and Maurice, as "both between the taking arms with equal rage on occasion of Maurice. the paltry dispute concerning Wurtzen on the Moldaw, is somewhat overcharged. Seckendorf, as well as Sleidan, seems to intimate that the elector had the better cause, though, as the dutiful subject of the descendants of Maurice's family, the former thinks it best to bury in oblivion the charges brought against that prince on this occasion.3 Certainly, however, it is no overstatement to say, that the admonitions them.

1 Seck. iii. 300. 2 lb. 429. 3 lb. 413. Sleid. 292.

Luther's

address to

CHAP.
VII.

of Luther to the contending princes were "powerful and authoritative:" they were even surprisingly free and vehement. He apologizes, as an ecclesiastic, for interfering in a political question; but "the credit and the interests of religion," he says, "were at stake, when so fierce a quarrel arose on so trivial an occasion, between princes nearly related, and both of them professed supporters of the protestant faith. Peacemakers," he observes, are pronounced blessed, and the children of God: whence it might be inferred that peace-breakers were the children of the Devil. And this sentence of our Lord extended to men of all ranks and conditions alike. Should this feud actually break out into a war," he even tells them, "wise men would regard them, instead of great princes, as resembling drunken rustics fighting in a tavern about a broken winecup, or idiots contending for a morsel of bread. In the mean time, this little spark might kindle into a conflagration, over which the enemies of the gospel, and even the Turks themselves might rejoice; while the Devil and his agents would tauntingly observe, So these are the leaders who undertake to point out to others the way to heaven!'" He even threatens them with "eternal damnation" if they refused a pacific arrangement of their differences. He refers them to the example of the elector Frederic the Wise, who having a dispute with the people of Erfurt, and being told by some lovers of war, that it would not cost him more than five men to take the city,' replied, that the loss of one would be too much.' "Retire," he says, " each of you into his chamber, and pray seriously to God: sure I am that his Spirit will give you another mind." He adds, that "he for his part would

take the side of him who was willing to submit his cause to an equitable and peaceable arbitration; and, whichever of them it might be, he would animate him to do valiantly in the name of the Lord, in case the other refused his acquiescence." 1

If it should be thought, that in this composition Luther uses strong expressions, and even shews a high sense of his own weight and consequence, we yet cannot but approve his impartiality, and the object to which he applies his influence.2

In the

A. D.

1543.

Ecclesias

1543.

Much apprehension might have been enter- Maurice's tained for the cause of religion in ducal Saxony, tical Regufrom the habits to which the people had so long lations. been accustomed under the government of George, from the youth and aspiring character of Maurice, from the influence which George's counsellors still retained, and from Maurice's own misunderstandings with the elector. Happily, however, little obstruction occurred, and many of Maurice's plans contributed to extend and render permanent the reformation which had been established in his dominions. year 1543 he published a copious instrument for the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs, in which the instructions given to the clergy were excellent. He founded three noble schools, in which he provided for the free education and support of two hundred and thirty scholars ; appointed exhibitions for a hundred students in the university of Leipsic; and, with the concurrence of the states of the province, appropriated for ever the revenues of the vacated monasteries and colleges for these purposes, for the maintenance of the clergy, and for other

1 Seck. iii. 413. 2 It should be observed, however, that this address was never completed, the quarrel being appeased.

VII.

Further

account of

Henry of

pious and charitable uses. In order also to do away the apprehension of any capricious changes, he soon after, by a public instrument, constituted the doctors, licentiates, and professors of the university of Leipsic (among whom the names of Ales, Pfeffinger, and Joachim Camerarius occur,) a consistory, to which all matters relating to religion should be referred. Such a measure he thought became him, and was called for by his circumstances, "he being but a youthful prince, and one for whom the civil affairs of his country would find sufficient employment." His provisions for the advancement of religion and learning were afterwards still further extended and improved, both by himself and by his brother and successor, Augustus.

The proceedings of Henry duke of Brunswick had long manifested his virulent enmity against Brunswick. the protestants.2 He had been publicly accused before the emperor of sending hired emissaries into Saxony, who set fire to several towns belonging to the elector; and it appears not that he ever cleared himself of the charge.3 His

1 Sleid. 311. Seck. iii. 454–456.

Yet in his early days he himself had been inclined to Lutheranism. It appears not that he had any serious reverence for the religion for which he professed so much zeal. In proof of this a curious story is related by Sleidan, (p. 322,) of his causing a stuffed image, which he pretended to be the body of a deceased mistress of his, to be buried with all religious rites, and prayers to be offered for the soul of the departed person for a whole year, while he had actually secreted her in one of his castles, and kept up a constant intercourse with her. From the prevailing opinion of his profaneness, I presume it is, that he is commonly described in the epistles of Melancthon by the name of Mezentius. Thuanus styles him, "a man of a turbulent spirit, and an abandoned life." ii. 4.

3 Melancthon makes mention of these conflagrations, Epist. iv. 228: "From my heart I pity the numerous poor

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