they want confidence and earnestness of mind to ask even that little: and we ourselves, alas! unduly taken up with literature, or with news, or with business, have too little to bring forth, "from the fulness of the heart," for the edification of those with whom we converse. And this is apt more especially to be the case where religion has become familiar, and the " fervour of spirit," with which it was at first both delivered and received, has gradually worn off.1 May God, in his mercy, forbid that this growing "lukewarmness" should after all become the bane of religion in our highly favoured country, and particularly in those places which have enjoyed the most abundant religious advantages! May we remember, in a truly impressive and efficacious manner, that "many who are first shall be last!" May we "repent and do our first works," that our "candlestick may never be " removed out of its place!" A.D. 1541. of Melanc Conferences like those which were now Situation carrying on, where such important interests and conduct were at stake, such nice distinctions to be made, thon. and such opposite parties, if possible, to be reconciled; where also every art would be employed to draw the protestants into unguarded concession, and then to take advantage of it; must obviously have been very distressing to those engaged in them, especially if they were men of refined minds, tender consciences, and truly pacific dispositions ;-all which qualities eminently distinguished Melancthon.2 He was scarcely the man that could be expected to stand sufficiently firm in the trying circumstances in 1 See important remarks upon this subject in the interesting Memoir of the Rev. Jos. Milner, prefixed to his Sermons. 2 Pacis et tranquillitatis amantissimum Philippum curæ angebant die noctuque." Camerar. in Vit. Melanc. §. 57. CHAP. V. which he was now placed. Nor was he adequately supported either by his associates, or by all the leading patrons of his cause. Both the landgrave and the elector of Brandenburg 1 appear to have been disposed, at this period, to carry concession too far. Bucer was still more in danger, than Melancthon, of being betrayed into what might be denominated trimming, for the sake of peace and accordingly his conduct gave great dissatisfaction to his friends.2 Pistorius indeed, Melancthon's other colleague, is spoken of as a "pious, candid, and firm character:" but I find little concerning the part which he took in these discussions, except that he 66 concurred with Melancthon."3 The latter amiable person, however, though at first censured by the elector for not adhering more closely to the Confession, appears seldom to have conducted himself with greater constancy and spirit than at this time. The elector's representatives at Ratisbon commended him highly; and the elector was afterwards induced to express satisfaction at what he heard of him.4 He himself declared that he would rather die, than compromise the truth and wound his own conscience; and that, in fact, he should actually die of grief if he were to do so:5 and accordingly we find the emperor offended at what he called Melancthon's stiffness, which he ascribed to the suggestions of Luther. This induced Melancthon to write to the emperor a pretty long letter, explaining the principles on which he felt bound to act, and begging, as the greatest favour he could receive, that he might 1 Seck, iii. 354, 356, 361, 363. 2 Seck. iii. 356, 360 (3), 364. Melanc. Epist. iv. 236, 3 Ib. iii. 356 (2), 360 (3). 5 lb. 356 (2). be released from the task which had been imposed on him, and which he felt to be one of oppressive weight.' As is apt, however, to be the case with good men, ever alive to the sense of their own failings and imperfections, Melancthon could not satisfy himself: he confesses his weakness, and even supposes himself chastized for it by an accident which befel him, from the overturning of the carriage in which he travelled to Ratisbon. His wrist appears to have been dislocated, and other injury sustained, so that he never perfectly recovered the use of his right hand. On this the good man says, " I am chastened of God, and justly suffer, as for my other faults, so particularly for my undue facility, in suffering myself to be employed in vain and foolish schemes, contrary to the advice of so many wise men." He could not, however, help feeling the difference between the spirit which actuated himself and such persons as he approved, and that which characterized his opponent Eckius. He speaks with grief of him and others as evidently not seeking the truth, nor desiring to serve the church, but only to gain the praise of being subtle disputants upon the most solemn subjects. "I have heard him," he says, "vain-gloriously boasting that he could maintain either side of the question.... I do not think any good man can be so mild and gentle, as to listen unmoved to his sophisms and juggling tricks. He sports with 1 Mel. Epist. ii. 1. Ib. iv. 235. Camerar. Vit. Mel. §57. What he thought of these attempts for conciliation, which he styles "conciliationes fucosas"-" fallaces, plenas turpitudinis et periculi," and how bitterly he groaned under the anxieties and vexations which attended them, many of his letters abundantly shew. See Epist. iv. 233-238, 264, 265, 300, 335. vi. p. 104-5, 129, 167. A. D. 1541. CHAP. V. Reference to Luther. terms of the most serious import, continually conceals his real meaning, and only aims to embarrass an adversary. There is great danger in encountering sycophants of this kind." 1 When all hopes of accommodation were well nigh extinguished, the elector of Brandenburg and his brother the marquis George proposed, and it was not doubted with the privity of the emperor, that a deputation should be sent to Luther, to solicit him, if possible, to point out some way in which they might come to terms of agreement. This, it must be acknowledged, was paying no small honour to the Saxon monk; nor could it be construed otherwise than as placing, after all that he had said and done, and all that had been said and done concerning him, much confidence in his wisdom and upright intentions, as well as acknowledging the great influence which he possessed. Accordingly John prince of Anhalt, with one of the elector of Brandenburg's counsellors, and Ales, a Scotch divine employed by that prince, undertook the embassy. George prince of Anhalt, and superintendant of Madgeburg, a highly valued friend of Luther's, (of whom we shall ere long speak more fully,) joined them; and the elector of Saxony, though not at all satisfied with the measure adopted, came from Torgau to Wittemberg to receive them. They represented the emperor's earnest wish for peace and union, and urged how extremely desirable it was that conciliation should be effected: that the article of justification and some other important points had already been accommodated; and that Luther himself had said, that, if the true doctrine on that head were established and Melanc. Op. iv. 641. Epist. iv. 234. Seck. iii. 298. taught, and the sacrament allowed according to Christ's institution, other things might be borne with, and would be gradually corrected: that the emperor could not at once reform all abuses, men's minds not being yet prepared for it; and that the weak ought to meet with forbearance: that the Venetians, to name no others, were waiting the event of the present diet, and that, if it proved satisfactory, an extensive dissemination of the true doctrine concerning a sinner's acceptance with God, and of reformation in general might be expected; but that, if the prospect of concord were at an end, the greatest dangers were to be apprehended not only from the Romanists, but from the Turks also, who could not be effectually resisted but by an union of all the states against them. A. D. 1541. Luther commended the emperor's desire of His reply. peace, and declared that his own most sincere wishes and prayers were directed to that object; that he was glad to understand that four articles had been accorded, but that he had not seen any of the formularies agreed upon, except that on justification; that nothing, however, could be hoped for unless their adversaries would act sincerely, and submit themselves to God and the truth of his word; but he feared that, on the contrary, they imposed upon the emperor; for that, if the four articles were cordially admitted, the other ten, which were in dispute, could not be rejected. He censured their article on justification, in which, he said, they had mixed up free will and the words of S. Paul, in Galatians v, upon another subject, inferring from them, that charity was required in order to justification. He saw no sufficient ground for forbearance, since neither the rulers nor the clergy were "weak brethren," but |