CHAPTER V.

Death of

George, duke of Saxony.

FROM THE CONVENTION OF FRANCFORT TO THE
CONFERENCE AND DIET OF RATISBON.

A FEW days after the convention at Francfort, George duke of Saxony died, and his death was an event of great advantage to the reformation. That prince, the head of the Albertine, or younger branch of the Saxon family, possessed, as marquis of Misnia and Thuringia, extensive territories, comprehending Dresden, Leipsic, and other cities now the most considerable in the electorate. From the first dawn of the reformation, he had been its enemy as avowedly as the electoral princes were its protectors, and had carried on his opposition not only with all the zeal flowing from religious prejudices, but with a virulence inspired by personal antipathy to Luther, and embittered by the domestic animosity subsisting between him and the other branch of the family. By his death without issue, the succession fell to his brother Henry, whose attachment to the protestant religion surpassed, if possible, that of his predecesor to popery. Henry no sooner took possession of his new dominions, than, disregarding a clause in George's will, dictated by his bigotry, whereby he bequeathed all his dominions to the emperor and the king of the Romans, if his brother should attempt to make any innovation in religion, he invited some

protestant divines, and among them Luther himself, to Leipsic. By their advice and assistance, he overturned in a few weeks the whole system of ancient rites, establishing the full exercise of the reformed religion, with the universal applause of his subjects, who had long wished for this change, which the authority of their duke alone had hitherto prevented. This revolution delivered the protestants from the danger to which they were exposed by having an inveterate enemy situated in the middle of their territories; and the territories of the princes and cities attached to their cause now extended, in one great and almost unbroken line, from the shore of the Baltic to the banks of the Rhine."1

A.D.

1539.

Such is the account given by Dr. Robertson His succesof the next event which materially advanced sor Henry.

the cause of the reformation.

During the lifetime of his brother, Henry had possessed little or nothing beyond the small territory of Freyburg. In that district, however, he had been careful to introduce reformation. In the year 1536, the elector had sent James Schenckius to assist him in that object. Schenckius preached to large congregations; and the work seemed likely to proceed with great success. The effects, however, of duke George's hostility were to be apprehended; in consequence of which Henry applied, early in 1537, to the confederates assembled at Smalkald, for admission

1 Robertson, iii. 167, 168.

2 Seck. iii. 160. Schenckius is said to be "sacris nondum initiatus;" but the expression, perhaps, only implies that he had not proceeded beyond deacons' orders; in which sense I find similar terms applied to cardinals and others.

CHAP.

V.

into the league; which was accordingly granted
him, though, on account of the smallness
of his resources, he was for the present ex-
cused from contributing towards its support.
Thus secured, and aided by ministers furnish-
ed by the elector, he boldly urged forward
the work of reformation. He had, however,
immediately to encounter the opposition
of George, who expostulated with him as going
contrary to the purposes, and even the pro-
mises, which he had expressed, of making no
changes till a council should have defined what
reformation ought to take place, and by what
means it might properly be effected. He
implored him not rashly to adopt a course
of proceeding unworthy of his family, and con-
trary to his duty; not to listen to people in
whose estimation "unbelief was the only sin;
or, while he pretended "to seek the gospel in
barns and' cellars," to risk not only the peace of
his country but the salvation of his soul. "Did
he plead conscience? He had only to look to
himself, and not to trouble his mind about others.
I myself," said George, "if power in religious
matters had been assigned to me by the word of
God, or committed to me by the pope and the
emperor, should long ago have reformed what
I considered as abuses: but, finding myself
possessed of no such authority, I determine to
make no innovations till a council shall direct
them." If Henry would persist, he declares
that he should feel it necessary to report his
conduct to the emperor.

Henry, however, was not thus to be satisfied or impeded. He professed himself to be convinced from the holy scriptures, that the doctrines and practices hitherto received in his country were contrary to the word of God, and

dangerous to the souls of men: and therefore he could not in conscience postpone a change till it should have been decreed by a council. He would, however, deprive no one of his rights, nor impose on any persons what might be contrary to their consciences; and he hoped in all things so to conduct himself that he could justify his proceedings to the emperor. He adds, that the people were so desirous of reformation, that they would be ready to raise tumults should he withhold it. He trusts, therefore, that, as his brother and he now distinctly understood one another, George would no more attempt to obstruct him, than he himself should interfere with the course in which George thought proper to persevere; and declares that there was nothing which he more earnestly desired, than to preserve unbroken that brotherly friendship which had subsisted between them. He concluded, as George had done, with praying God to enlighten him, and guide him to what was good and salutary.1

Such is the substance of a pretty full correspondence which passed between the two brothers. It exhibits a specimen of the opposition which true religion must ever experience from the bigoted, the worldly-minded, and the selfsatisfied and, on the whole, that opposition appears in this instance to have been met with becoming firmness, meekness, and a competent share of Christian wisdom.

A visitation of the district of Freyburg, upon the plan which had been successfully adopted in the electorate,2 was carried into effect under the direction of Spalatinus, (invited thither for

1 Seck. iii. 158, 159.

2 Above, p. 171

A. D. 1539.

CHAP.

v.

Efforts of

prevent re

after his

death.

the purpose,) Schenckius, Anthony à Schönberg,' and the consul of Freyburg.2

After this correspondence George appears to have left Henry unmolested in his proceedings formation within his own small territory; but he was exceedingly anxious to prevent the introduction of similar changes into ducal 3 Saxony after his own decease. Among the expedients to which he had recourse for this purpose, we may reckon a sort of compromise which he attempted, by proposing a partial reformation, conducted according to a different model, and on this basis a reconciliation between the two parties. He had himself been originally bred to the church, and had held a canonry. He well knew therefore the manners of the clergy, and, on this and other grounds, the necessity which existed for reformation. A strong desire of it, he was sensible, prevailed among numbers of his own subjects. Hence he had, in the year 1534, promoted some conferences at Leipsic : 6 and now again, in 1538, his principal minister Carlevitz, an acute man, possessing considerable insight into the real state of things, made representations to Pontanus leading to the renewal of such conference. Carlevitz admitted the great necessity of reformation, and that it was not to be hoped for from the clergy, who might sacrifice, indeed, some points of doctrine, and some of the less important ceremonies, but would yield nothing which should threaten in the least degree to touch their power, their

2 Seck. iii. 160.

1 Above, p. 170. › I am aware that this epithet is not strictly correct: but it may serve to distinguish the dominions of the prince who was simply duke, from him who was also elector of Saxony. • Seck. iii. 212 (a). 5 Above, p. 170. 6 Seck. iii. 90.