CHAP. Anabaptists From these notices of the progress of the reformation, we may proceed to some other miscellaneous topics. The year 1534 was distinguished by one of Munster. of the most extraordinary bursts of fanatical extravagance and fury, that ever disgraced the history of mankind. A body of anabaptists' seized the imperial city of Munster, and fortified themselves in it. They made John Boccold, a journeyman tailor, commonly called John of Leyden, their king; who was to become "the monarch of the earth," and to march forth for the destruction of all other kings and rulers, "giving quarter to none but the multitude, who were lovers of justice." They retained possession of the city considerably more than a year, promulgating the wildest principles, and indulging in the most outrageous practices: and it was not without a confederacy of the German princes against them, under the leading of the bishop of Munster, that the city was at length reduced, and the insurgents suppressed. But the particulars of such a story belong not to this history it must suffice just to have mentioned the fact, and to refer the reader to places in which he may find the account in a more detailed, or a more popular, and at the same time more philosophic form.2 1 Dr. Milner has properly cautioned his readers not to confound the seditious sect of anabaptists, of the era of the reformation, with the dissenters, called baptists, of the present day. Vol. iv. 517. (501.) 2 Sleid. lib. x. Du Pin, vi. 130–133. Robertson, iii. 71— 85. The reader may compare the account of the fanatical prophets Munzer, Stork &c. in Milner, v. 44, 496, &c. (614, 1095, &c.)-Luther's observation upon this "ill-contrived farce at Munster" was, that it was "the work of some raw unpractised devil;" and that they had great reason to be A. D. 1534. England. During the period of this chapter, and espe cially in the years 1535 and 1539, much communication took place between the court of CorresponEngland and the German protestants. Mutual dence with letters and embassies passed; and Henry VIII. corresponded personally, not only with the princes, but also with Melancthon. At the earlier part of the period, it was an object with him to obtain the sanction of the protestant divines to his divorce from Catharine of Arragon, (the emperor's aunt,) and to check, by means of the protestant princes, the effect of Charles's resentment against him for that measure. He was willing, therefore, to become the defender of the faith' of the Augsburg Confession, with some alterations; for the purpose of arranging which he desired to have commissioners sent over to him, and himself particularly invited Melancthon. The protestants, however, were shy of him, distrusting his professions in favour of reformation, and being determined to concur in no offensive measures against the emperor, so long as he suffered them to enjoy their religion unmolested. Their divines did, indeed, examine the question concerning Henry's divorce: but the conclusion to which they came was not favourable to his views. It was to this effect," That, though it was not lawful to marry the wife of a brother, either during his life or after his death, yet, when such a marriage had actually taken place, they could not pronounce that it ought thankful that "a devil of greater parts and knowledge-one that understood law and divinity"-was not let forth against them. He contended, however, that the way to preserve or reclaim men from such delusions was, to enlighten their minds by the word of God, and not to withhold that word from them, as some would have done. Sleid. 199, 200. CHAP. III. 1539. to be dissolved:" and Luther scrupled not to declare, "that Henry would violate higher and more sacred obligations in divorcing his wife, than he had done in marrying his brother's widow." 1 In the latter of the years above mentioned, Henry promulgated his famous law of the "six articles," establishing, under the penalty of death, the reception of many of the principal tenets and practices of the Romish superstition; after which the elector would scarcely hear of any further communication with him: and, though Bucer withheld his concurrence, Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagius, and Melancthon, on being consulted, pronounced it to be "a new device of Satan, that, when the power of the pope failed, kings should thus take upon them to model religion according to their own fancies" and advised that Henry should be "let alone, as one who had been sufficiently admonished, and sinned wilfully."-Luther also in private correspondence with the elector observed, He was "glad that Henry had thrown off the mask. He had demanded to be head and defender of the gospel in Germany away with such a head! His power and wealth had so inflated him, that he would be adored as a god. He is fit," added the reformer, " for a pope himself; so crafty and designing is he!"2 Melancthon, whose boldness appears to have risen in proportion to the disappointment which he felt at Henry's conduct, wrote directly to the king himself a long and faithful expostulation.3 1 Sleid. 188, 189, 205, 206. Seck. iii. 110-113, 179— 181. Two papers of Luther's on the subject of Henry's marriage are given by Buddeus: Epist. Luth. pp. 289, 325. 2 Seck. iii. 224-228. 3 Melanc. Epist, i. 28 : Pezel. Consil, Melanc. i. 343–355. Falsehoods of the grossest description, and, to support them, forged papers of great length, purporting minutely minutely to describe essential changes which had taken place in the senti I have seen few things more honourable to Melancthon than this epistle. With the courtesy and address which were becoming, it combines a high degree of boldness and faithfulness of censure. The measure itself he considers as monstrous, in some points going beyond what had elsewhere been heard of. He doubts not that the bishops were the authors of it; but it was the king's sanction which gave it validity and all the German protestants lamented that he should become the instrument of other men's cruelty and impiety. How remote was this from the hopes which had been formed of him! They had trusted that his example would have excited other princes to lay aside their cruelty, and correct their errors: but now they received a severe wound from his hand, and the hostility of other kings was confirmed, the obstinacy of the wicked increased, and old errors of portentous magnitude established by his means. The writer heard that Latimer, Cranmer, and other pious men, true members of Christ, were in bonds for the gospel's sake: he prayed God to give them strength and courage worthy of Christians. Nothing more honourable or blessed could befall them, than to die for the sake of such palpable truth as they maintained against the recent law but God forbid that the king's hand should be stained with the blood of such men! that the light of the church in England should be put out! that impiety and the proud and cruel malice of the enemies of Christ should be gratified! that Antichrist should be made glad-who saw the bishops complying with the king's will for a time, but knew that they were bound for ever to the Roman pontiff. Henry, he says, reprobated the tyranny of Rome, and pronounced the pope to be Antichrist, yet supported and strengthened the very nerves and sinews of his power!-He indignantly exposes the falsehood and pernicious tendency of the dogmas which Henry had thus sanctioned by law, and conjures him not to pollute his conscience by defending such articles. They were idolatrous and impious-the very points which the pope would wish to establish, should he ever get a council together."Recognize," he says, "the snare of the devil: stand not among the enemies of Christ, who are stained with idolatry and blood, and on whom God will assuredly execute vengeance."-Melancthon's information was incorrect as to the imprisonment of Cranmer. A. D. 1534. CHAP. III. Proceed king of France. ments of Luther and of the elector, were at this time circulated both in Germany and in England. In the latter country, Seckendorf conceives that they were intended to smooth the way to Henry's projected law. 1 The proceedings of the king of France at this ings of the period, with respect both to the German protestants, and those within his own dominions, may be first briefly stated from Dr. Robertson, and then in some parts enlarged upon from the more ancient authorities. 1534. Disappointed of the assistance which he had expected from other quarters, in the war that he was about to commence against the emperor, Francis was "led to solicit, with greater earnestness, the aid of the protestant princes associated by the league of Smalkald. That he might the more easily acquire their confidence, he endeavoured to accommodate himself to their predominant passion, zeal for their religious tenets. He affected a wonderful moderation with regard to the points in dispute; he permitted Bellay, his envoy in Germany, to explain his sentiments concerning some of the most important articles, in terms not far different from those used by the protestants; he even condescended to invite Melancthon, whose gentle manners and pacific spirit distinguished him among the reformers, to visit Paris, that by his assistance he might concert the most proper measures for reconciling the contending sects, which so unhappily divided the church. These concessions must be considered rather as the arts of policy, than the result of conviction; for, whatever impression the new opinions had 1 Seck. iii. 228-230. 2 William de Bellay of Langey, a highly accomplished person, and one of the ablest negociators in France." 66 |