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II.

CHAP. people; "that they thought they understood the gospel not only better than he did, but better than even S. Paul himself; and were wiser in their own eyes than all their pastors: whence he anticipated approaching calamity.1

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In a sermon on "God is love," we find the following painful acknowledgment: "I confess, and others join me in the confession, that there is not now the same diligence and zeal as under the papacy. There is not the same fervency under the gospel as was seen in the time of the priests and monks, when so many foundations were formed, so many buildings raised; when no one was so poor as not to contribute something. Now, a whole city can scarcely support a single preacher. All grasp and seize for themselves, and will not endure a reprover. Whence arises this scandalous evil? 'From your doctrine,' cry our adversaries, with the lungs of Stentor,-because men are taught that they must not trust in their good works. But it is the devil who imputes, to a pious and salutary doctrine, what arises from himself, and wicked men abusing that doctrine." 2

Luther no doubt here paints strongly, aiming to produce a conduct contrary to that of which he complains. At the same time, numbers, released from the obligations which had extorted certain services from them under the old regimen, and continuing strangers to any new and better principle, would "abuse liberty for an occasion to the flesh." Yet let the reader compare the account given, in the preceding chapter, of Saxony, as contrasted with the surrounding countries, and he will see that Luther was as far from conceding that protestantism

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must yield to popery in its power of producing good works, as we are at this day from granting, that those who renounce all confidence in their own righteousness fall short, in moral virtue and usefulness of life, of those who trust in what they do.

We may confirm this statement by the following extract from an address of the protestants to Granvelle, the emperor's chief minister, in the year 1540. "It would really be very acceptable to us, if the emperor would examine the whole matter, and diligently inquire where it is that the ministers of the church are most civilly and kindly used, schools best ordered, the functions and ministry of the church most decently performed; whether in our territories or amongst our adversaries. If the emperor would give himself this trouble, we need not make any apology to justify and defend the matter of fact," respecting the application of the ecclesiastical funds; "for the thing itself would speak in our behalf, and move him to set about a true reformation of the church."1

A. D. 1532.

His sentiments concerning pastoral autho- Pastoral rity, and the right of setting up for religious Authority. teachers, will hardly suit an age of relaxed or almost abrogated discipline.-He approved of especially opposing to the anabaptists, who privily crept in and injured the people, their entire want of authority to exercise the office of teachers." Who called them," he asks, "to come in, and unsettle the minds of the peasants, and to withdraw men from their proper pastors? Why do they not ask leave of the pastors to address their people? If that is refused, they have discharged their consciences.-Let them

1 Sleid. 260.

CHAP.

11.

either shew their letters of human commission,
or give proofs of a divine one, by working
miracles." He would have the people instructed
concerning the necessity, and the proofs, of a
call to exercise the office of teachers.
"The
difficulty," he observes, "is sufficiently great
for them that are duly called, to set forth the
true doctrine: what is to be hoped for from
those who are not called? I would not for all
the world want my proper vocation as a teacher.
Without it, I should despair under the burdens
which press upon me. But now God and all
the world are witnesses, that, by the grace of
God, I have publicly discharged the duties
which my office as a teacher and preacher re-
quires of me."-Some of these sentiments will
not obtain, perhaps are not fully intitled to,
universal concurrence: yet they deserve to be
considered. They may tend to check the rash-
ness of some who boldly "rush," where wiser
and holier men "fear to tread ;" and to impress
on others more serious sentiments, than they
have been used to entertain, on the subject
of undertaking to instruct men in "things
pertaining to God." And, whatever may be
determined concerning those who have the
authority of sending forth teachers, surely no
sober mind will think, that a man's own inclin-
ation to assume the office is his sufficient
warrant. 1

1 Luther, however, means his doctrine for ordinary cases, not for those of extreme exigency. If, for instance, we were placed in the midst of the avowed enemies of the faith, and there were any to be taught, "in such a case," he says, Christian ought to put himself forward, called by the necessity of charity, and to do all that he can for the salvation of souls." Seck. iii. 187: also 122.

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CHAPTER III.

FROM THE PACIFICATION OF NUREMBERG TO
THE CONVENTION OF FRANCFORT.

respecting a

THE whole period assigned to this chapter, Proceedings with several years that followed, was in great Council. measure occupied in negotiations and intrigues respecting a general council. The particulars are detailed at great length by Sleidan and Seckendorf, as well as by Father Paul; but they are wearisome, and yield no satisfaction to a mind in quest of the interior history of the church of Christ, and of true religion. They may therefore be almost wholly passed over in this work. Clement VII, while he professed his willingness to call a council, persevered to the end of his life in the artifices which he knew would delay, if not finally prevent, its convocation. His death took place in the year 1534. His successor, Paul III, (of the house of Farnese,) though, having witnessed "the universal censure which Clement had incurred by his obstinacy, he hoped to avoid the same reproach by the seeming alacrity with which he proposed a council, yet flattered himself that such difficulties would arise concerning the time and place of meeting, the persons who had a right to be present, and the order of their proceedings, as would effectually defeat the intention of those who demanded it."1

Robertson, iii. 61, 68.

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CHAP.

III.

work on Concord in Religion. 1533.

Soon after the pacification of Nuremberg, while public expectation was pretty strongly Erasmus's directed to the holding of a council, Erasmus, who has for a considerable time disappeared from our view, again rendered himself conspicuous in the affairs of the church. In a commentary on the eighty-fourth Psalm,' he published his thoughts on concord in religion. The object proposed, important as it is, was one to which Erasmus, in great measure from a natural love of case, had always been disposed to make too large sacrifices, even those of truth and principle.2 The present performance appears to be precisely one of those works, which from time to time come forth in periods of conflict, and to which our own age has been no stranger: works which, assuming to occupy the high ground of impartial decision between contending parties, really do great injustice to one or the other of them, and commonly to that which is esteemed the weaker and more obnoxious. Such works often proceed either from men of ambitious policy, who seek to commend themselves to such as are able to advance them, and are at the same time persons of professed, perhaps of real, moderation; or from men who, attempting little themselves, affect the praise of superior wisdom by censuring those who are doing great practical good, though not without that mixture of error and infirmity which is incident to human nature. Such men often avail themselves of the important truths, which the very persons whom they make objects of their censure have brought into public notice, propound them as their own, and are severe on the extravagances with which, as they pretend, the

Opera, Basil. 1540, v. 394. 2 Jortin's Life of Erasmus.

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