Let not, then, all this be confounded with the case of subjects taking upon them to inquire, whether an actual law is just, before they consent to obey it: the point maintained is, that the German princes were not, in this sense, the emperor's subjects: and likewise the real question here is, not whether an existing law were just, but what the law of the case really was. So much it seems needful to say, upon what was to the reformers, at this period, a question of deep and painful interest: and I have thought it due to those illustrious characters, thus, as I hope, to demonstrate that they were liable to no imputation of treason or rebellion, in determining, if actually attacked, to defend the civil and religious rights of themselves, and their subjects by force of arms. To this strict line of defence against actual violence all the leading parties, with one exception, confined their measures. The landgrave, as on a former occasion,1 was not content with this: he would have begun the attack; and some few of the cities seconded him but his counsel was justly rejected and condemned by all the rest. 2 The expediency of the course adopted by the protestant powers is another question. There can be no doubt, that their league, combining with the peculiar circumstances of the times, held the emperor in check, and formed the great obstacle to his ambitious designs with respect to Germany, for many years; and thus man's harvest; every prince being obliged, by the strictest bonds of censures, to the extirpation of those that are condemned by the pope-wherein they ought to spend their goods, estate, and life and much more are the emperors thus bound, because they do solemnly swear unto it." F. Paul, 59. 1 Milner, v. 453, 493. (1050, 1092.) 2 Seck. iii. 3, 13, A D. 1531. CHAP. II. Circumstances of the Emperor, served to protect the reformation to the very end of Luther's life: but it was, at the same time, and for this very reason, in a high degree galling to the proud and aspiring mind of Charles, and tended to irritate the severity of his proceedings when he did succeed in crushing the confederation, and, as he vainly imagined, had finally triumphed over the protestant cause. But, for the present, it pleased divine providence to relieve the protestants from their apprehensions in an unexpected manner. The emperor was by no means prepared to engage in a civil war. The war with the Turks was of itself sufficiently urgent. They had again invaded Hungary with an immense army, and for the avowed purpose of dethroning Ferdinand, and advancing another person in his place: and the protestants, before the late diet separated, had declared, that they could neither furnish any aid against the Turks, unless they were themselves protected, and peace secured within the empire; nor contribute to the expences of the imperial chamber, unless they were placed on the same footing as the other states, with respect to that court. Contrary also to their solemn protestations, as well as to those of some of the catholic princes, Charles had lately procured his brother to be elected king of the Romans, and his successor in the empire ; which was considered as a step towards establishing hereditary and absolute authority, repugnant to the constitution, and subversive of the liberties of Germany.-On all these grounds he was desirous of conciliation, and readily listened to the proposals of the archbishop of Mentz, and Lewis, elector palatine, who offered to mediate between him and the protestants. By this means, after many diffi A. D. 1531. berg. culties and protracted conferences, a pacific arrangement was at length effected, on terms highly advantageous to the protestants. This Pacification pacification, called, from the place where it was of Nuremagreed upon, the Pacification of Nuremberg, was settled in that city in the month of July, 1532, and solemnly ratified, the month following, in the imperial diet held at Ratisbon.1 "In this treaty it was stipulated, That universal peace be established in Germany, until the meeting of a general council,-the convocation of which within six months the emperor shall endeavour to procure; that no person shall be molested on account of religion; that a stop shall be put to all processes begun by the imperial chamber against protestants, and the sentences already passed to their detriment shall be declared void. On their part the protestants engaged to assist the emperor with all their forces in resisting the invasion of the Turks. Thus," says the historian whose words I am here using, "by their firmness in adhering to their principles, by the unanimity with which they urged all their claims, and by their dexterity in availing themselves of the emperor's situation, the protestants obtained terms which amounted almost to a toleration of their religion; all the concessions were made by Charles, none by them; even the favourite point of their approving his brother's election was not mentioned; and the protestants of Germany, who had hitherto been viewed only as a religious sect, came henceforth to be considered as a political body of no small consequence." 2 How far their attainment of political consc 1 Sleid. 151-161. Seck. iii. 15, 16, 19—24. 1532. II. CHAP. quence was conducive to the interests of genuine religion among them, or how far, on the contrary, it was prejudicial, and required some powerful counterpoise, may furnish matter for grave and serious consideration: but one cannot forbear rejoicing in their present deliverance, and in the triumph of a righteous cause. Scultetus here very properly calls us to admire the providence of God, which made the Turkish sultan the great instrument of annulling, or at least suspending the execution of the decree of Augsburg against the reformation. 1 It was the anxious desire of Luther, that no impediments should be thrown in the way of this pacification. He earnestly exhorted the elector rather to abandon his opposition to the appointment of Ferdinand as king of the Romans, than at all risk its failure: nor was he willing so to insist on comprehending within its terms all who might subsequently join the protestants, as to delay its settlement. In another stipulation of the emperor's he heartily concurred, that they should disclaim all connexion with those who held the doctrine of Zuinglius concerning the eucharist.2 On the point of providing for such as should afterwards accede to the protestant principles, rather a warm difference arose. The landgrave, in particular, and his divines opposed Luther's views; which were not fully approved by John Frederic, Pontanus, and others of his friends; and Seckendorf seems to think that subsequent events justified their sentiments.3 Maimbourg affects to regard this pacification as a mere provisional measure : 4 and such it 1 Annales, 172. 2 Seck. iii. 17, 21. might really be, as extending only to the time of holding a general council, or some assembly of the empire, authorised to decide upon the questions at issue: but Pallavicini gives us to understand, that it was considered as provisional in another sense, namely, as made only to meet the present exigencies, and intended to be rescinded when circumstances should permit. He says, the emperor told the pope, that, "if the difficulties of the times were got over, the protestants might be compelled to observe the former edicts, (of Worms and Augsburg,) which were not dead, but only slept." Such was the bad faith, that either existed in the emperor's counsels, or was pretended by him to satisfy the pope, or was feigned by the court of Rome to meet its own wishes. A. D. 1532. Imperial Respecting the proceedings of the imperial The chamber against the protestants, which rather Chamber. were to have been stopped by the pacification, than actually were so, we may insert the following brief statement from Father Paul. "The emperor's decree (that of Augsburg) being known throughout all Germany, they began immediately to accuse the professors of the new religion in the imperial chamber; some from zeal, others from revenge, and some also that they might possess the goods of their adversaries. Many sentences were passed, many declarations, and many confiscations, against princes, cities, and private persons; but none took effect, except some against private individuals whose goods were within the territories of catholics. By others the sentences were contemned; with great diminution of the honour, not only of the chamber, but of the emperor also, who soon perceived that the |