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CHELSEA: PRINTED BY W. BLATCH, 23, EXETER STREET, SLOANE STREET.

BODLEIAN

2 MAY 1954

LIBRARY

CONTENTS.

April 17, 1821.-HOUSE OF COMMONS-MOTION FOR A COM-
MITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE REPRESEN-

TATION, WITH A BILL OF REFORM

March 28, 1831.-HOUSE OF LORDS-LORD WHARNCLIFFE'S

MOTION FOR RETURNS OF THE POPULATION

OF THE DIFFERENT COUNTIES OF ENGLAND

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May 22, 1832.-HOUSE OF LORDS-METROPOLITAN DISTRICTS

-IN COMMITTEE ON REFORM BILL

May 23, 1832.-HOUSE OF LORDS-ENFRANCHISEMENT OF
GATESHEAD-IN COMMITTEE ON REFORM

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take up a question the great and important interests of which I feel that I am not competent adequately to protect. In the first place, I know that I have to contend against that disinclination which has invariably been shewn by this House towards its discussion; a disinclination founded possibly on that dislike which is inherent in all men, and bodies of men, to hear accusations against themselves, and statements of faults and corruptions openly laid to their charge. If I wanted any evidence in support of this assertion, this well known truth, I should undoubtedly find it in the present state of the benches opposite to me. Perhaps indeed I should be justified in taking advantage of it, and at once submitting my motion to the vote; as the result of that division clearly would be its adoption for it requires no great discernment to perceive that at this moment the majority is greatly on the side of the friends to Reform.

But, Sir, I shall not be tempted into this irregularity, as it would prevent that ample discussion, that calm and deliberate consideration, to which this important subject is justly entitled, and without which it would be a mere mockery to propose it. If this scantiness of attendance is meant as an insult to 'myself, I treat it with contempt; if it is pointed at the question, I then repel it with feelings of deep indignation, and can only hope that it will not be 'lost on the people of England, who will not, cannot 'be insensible to the manner in which a subject, so interesting to them, has been treated by his Majesty's

Ministers. Indeed of all the placemen who usually crowd the opposite benches, at this moment I only perceive those Right Honourable Twins, so lovingly united in affection, in principle, and in the representation of the oyster-dredgers of Harwich.*

In addition to this studied neglect, I have also to lament the disadvantage of following those eminent and illustrious characters, who have at different times advocated this question, and who by their virtues and their abilities have conferred as much lustre on the cause, as they received from the sacred and patriotic nature of the trust confided to them. I know, likewise, that I shall have to contend against the weight of the overwhelming eloquence of a Right Honourable Gentleman opposite,† who has ever placed himself first and foremost in the ranks of those who oppose any alteration in the state of the Representation, and whose hostility is never directed with more zeal, energy, or ability, than against that extended principle of amelioration, which it is my duty this night to press on the consideration of this House. Under these great and manifold disadvantages, therefore, and a deep sense of my own inadequacy to overcome them, I can only hope that the House will extend to me that indulgence, which at no time was more necessary, and that they will believe me when

* The Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Bragge Bathurst, who were then seated side by side, and were the only members on the Treasury Bench.

+ Mr. Canning.

I assert, that my motives for undertaking this arduous office are founded solely on an ardent desire to serve my country, and to conciliate large classes of the community, loudly, but steadily complaining of their deprivation of the greatest privilege of our Constitution, and attributing, and justly in my opinion, the distress under which they are at present labouring, to a long system of misrule and mismanagement, which never could have existed, much less continued, if it had not been caused and protected by a gross and notorious system of corruption in the representation of the people.

Sir, I have heard much said lately of the dangerous state of the times-and I think with justice, for they are awful and portentous; sad from the recollection of past, and gloomy from the prospect of future events, before the fulfilment of which, the importance of both past and present difficulties fades into nothing. There is, I am aware, a spirit of discontent daily increasing, which cannot now be lulled or removed by those excuses which formerly passed current-by those promises which a long succession of years seen as readily and unblushingly broken, as they were cheaply made in compliance with each temporary cry from the people for reformation and amend

has

ment. The increase of national education, and the consequent expansion of the intellects of the middle and lower orders of society, renders it now quite impossible to conceal any longer the causes of our national misfortunes-and this doctrine I find unex

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