few difadvantages of a free ftate, is licentioufnefs in the common people, who may wallow in diforder and profligacy without control, if they be but cautious to refrain from grofs crimes, punishable by law. Now, as it appears to me, there never has been devised a method more efficacious for reftoring industry and fobriety, than that under confideration. Its falutary effects were confpicuous, even during the fhort time it fubfifted. The dread of being forc'd into the fervice, rendered the populace peaceable and orderly: it did more; it rendered them induftrious in order to conciliate favour. The most beneficial discoveries have been accidental: without having any view but for recruiting the army, our legislature stumbled upon an excellent method for reclaiming the idle and the profligate; a matter, in the present depravity of manners, of greater importance than any other that concerns the police of Britain. A perpetual law of that kind, by promoting industry, would prove a fovereign remedy against mobs and riots, diseases of a free country, full of people and of manufactures *. Why were the foregoing ftatutes, for there were two of them, limited to a temporary existence? There is not on record another ftatute better intitled to immortality.

And now to the project, which, after all my efforts, I produce with trepidation; not that I doubt of its folidity, but as ill fuited to the present manners of this island. To hope that it will be put in practice, would indeed be highly ridiculous: this can never happen, till patriotifm flourish more in Britain than it has done for fome time paft. Suppofing now an army of 60,000 men to be

* Several late mobs in the fouth of England, all of them on pretext of scarcity, greatly alarmed the adminiftration. A fact was difcovered by a private perfon (Sixweeks tour through the fouth of England), which our ministers ought to have difcovered, that these mobs conftantly happened where wages were high and provifions low; confequently that they were occafioned, not by want, but by wantonnefs.

VOL. II.

C

fufficient

fufficient for Britain, a rational method for raising fuch an army, were there no standing forces, would be, that land-proprietors, in proportion to their valued rents, fhould furnish men to ferve feven years, and no longer *. But as it would be no less unjust than imprudent, to disband at once our present army, the soft and natural way is, to begin with moulding gradually the old army into the new, by filling up vacancies with men bound to ferve feven years and no longer. And for raising proper men, a matter of much delicacy, it is proposed, that in every shire a special commiffion be given to certain landholders of rank and figure, to raife recruits out of the lower claffes, felecting always thofe who are the least useful at home.

ap

Second. Those who claim to be dismissed after ferving the pointed time, fhall never again be called to the fervice, except in case of an actual invafion. Every one of them fhall be intitled to a premium of eight or ten pounds, for enabling him to follow a trade or calling, without being fubjected to corporation-laws. The private men in France are inlifted but for fix years; and that mode has never been attended with any inconvenience.

Third. With respect to the private men, idleness must be totally and for ever banifhed. Suppofing three months yearly to be fufficient for military difcipline, the men, during the rest of the year, ought to be employ'd upon public works, forming roads, erecting bridges, making rivers navigable, clearing harbours, &c. &c. Why not alfo furnish men for halfpay to private undertakers of useful works? And fuppofing the daily pay of a foldier to be ten pence, it would greatly encourage

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* In Denmark, every land-proprietor of a certain rent, is obliged to furnish a militia-man, whom he can withdraw at pleasure upon fubftituting another; an excellent method for taming the peafants, and for rendering them induftrious.

extenfive

extenfive improvements, to have at command a number of stout fellows, under ftrict difcipline, at the low wages of five pence aday. An army of 60,000 men thus employ'd, would not be fo expensive to the public, as 20,000 men upon the present establishment: for beside the money contributed by private undertakers, public works carried on by foldiers, will be miferably ill contrived, if not cheaply purchased with their pay

The most important branch of the project, is what regards the officers. The neceflity of reviving in our people of rank fome portion of military fpirit, will be acknowledged by every person of reflection; and in that view, the following articles are propofed. First: That there be two claffes of officers, one ferving for pay, one without pay. In filling up every vacant office of cornet or enfign, the latter are to be preferred; but in progreffive advancement, no diftinction is to be made between the claffes. An officer who has ferved feven years without pay, may retire with honour.

Second. No man fhall be privileged to reprefent a county in parliament, who has not ferved feven years without pay; and, excepting an actual burgefs, none but thofe who have performed that fervice, fhall be privileged to reprefent a borough. The fame qualification fhall be neceffary to every one who afpires to ferve the public or the King in an office of dignity, excepting only churchmen and lawyers, with regard to offices in their refpective profeffions. In old Rome, none were admitted candidates for any civil employment, till they had served ten years in the army.

Third. Officers of this clafs are to be exempted from the taxes

* Taking this for granted, I bring only into the calculation the pay of the three months spent in military difcipline; and the calculation is very fimple, the pay of 20,000 for twelve months amounting to a greater fum than the pay of 60,000 for three months.

imposed on land, coaches, windows, and plate; not for saving a trifling fum, but as a mark of diftinction.

The military fpirit muft in Britain be miserably low, if fuch regulations prove not effectual to decorate the army with officers of figure and fortune. Nor need we to apprehend any bad confequence, from a number of raw officers who serve without pay: among men of birth, emulation will have a more commanding influence than pay or profit; and at any rate, there will always be a fufficiency of old and experienc'd officers receiving pay, ready to take the lead in every difficult enterprise.

Fourth. To improve this army in military difcipline, it is propofed, that when occafion offers, 5 or 6000 of them be maintained by Great Britain, as auxiliaries to fome ally at war. And if that body be changed from time to time, knowledge and practice in war will be diffufed thro' the whole army.

Officers who ferve for pay, will be greatly benefited by this plan: frequent removes of those who serve without pay, make way for them; and from the very nature of the plan, buying and felling is abfolutely excluded..

I proceed to the alterations neceffary for accommodating this plan to our present military establishment. As a total revolution at one instant would breed confufion, the first step ought to be a fpecimen only, fuch as the levying two or three regiments on the new model; the expence of which ought not to be grudged, as the forces prefently in pay, are not fufficient, even in peace, to anfwer the ordinary demands of government. And as the profpect of civil employments, will excite more men of rank to offer their fervice than there is room for, the choice must be in the crown,, not only with refpect to the new regiments, but with respect to: the vacant cornetcies and enfigncies in the old army. But as these regulations will not inftantly produce men qualified to be fecretaries of state or commiffioners of treafury, fo numerous as to

afford

afford his Majefty a fatisfactory choice, that branch of the plan may be fufpended, till those who have served seven years without pay, amount to one hundred at leaft. The article that concerns members of parliament must be ftill longer fufpended: it may however, after the first seven years, receive execution in part, by privileging those who have received no pay to represent a borough, refufing that privilege to others, except to actual burgeffes. We may proceed one step farther, That if in a county there be five gentlemen who have the qualification under confideration, over and above the ordinary legal qualifications, one of the five must be chosen, leaving the electors free as to their other representative. With respect to the private men of the old army, a thousand of fuch as have served the longest may be disbanded annually, if fo many be willing to retire; and in their stead an equal number may be inlifted, to ferve but seven years. Upon fuch a plan, it will not be difficult to find recruits.

The advantage of this plan, in one particular, is eminent. It will infallibly fill the army with gallant officers: Other advantages concerning the officers themselves, fhall be mentioned afterward. An appetite for military glory, cannot fail to be roused in officers who ferve without pay, when their fervice is the only paffport to employments of trust and honour. And may we not hope, that officers who fervefx pay, will, by force of imitation, be inspired with the same appetite? Nothing ought to be more fedulously inculcated into every officer, than to defpife riches, as a mercantile object, below the dignity of a foldier. Often has the courage of victorious troops been blunted by the pillage of an opulent city; and may not rich captures at fea have the fame effect? Some feacommanders have been fufpected, of beftowing their fire more willingly upon a merchantman, than upon a fhip of war. A triumph, an ovation, a civic crown, or fome fuch mark of honour,

were