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very important results, the tone of France becoming from that time much lower. The invasion of the south of France in the year following, and the siege of Toulou, were not indeed attended with success: but no farther danger to Italy being appre hended, Prince EUGENE was at liberty to return to Vienna, where he was soon called into active service; being appointed to play the negociator, before he appeared in a military capacity. His proceedings in both characters are thus related:
We ought not to appear discontented at court; I hate murmurers even when they are in the right. Sarcasms pass from the closet to the parlour, thence to the dining table, and, by imprudent Conversation before servants, they are carried from the dining-table to taverns, and to the people at large. Being certain that the Emperor would feel aukwardly in my company, from his not having put faith in my predictions, I assumed a respectful but easy demeanour towards him. He was pleased with this, and, after having kindly reprimanded me for exposing my person, he added "You have driven the French from Bavaria and from Italy; go and drive them from the Low Countries. Rest here some time, and on the 26th March set out for several courts, and make the Coalition act as you and I wish it." On the 31st March (1703) I was at Dresden, and obtained the Elector's promise of a corps of troops. I went thence to Hanover, where that elector also made me a similar promise. I next proceeded to the Hague, and embraced Marlborough most cordially, who had come thither on the same errand. We joined in urging Heinsius and Fagel (the leading men in Holland) to aid us to the utmost; assuring them that we should endeavour to take the first opportunity of gaining a battle, in order that the enemy might be prevented from prosecuting sieges.. I did my best to satisfy these gentlemen, who were greatly discontented with the Emperor for not coming to terms with the Hungarian insurgents, and for laying his hands on the revenues of Naples, the Milanese, and Bavaria. I went next to Dusseldorf to appease the Elector Palatine, who was dissatisfied with the Emperor on account of the Upper Palatinate. I came back with Marlborough to Hanover, to press the Elector, and took Leipzic in my route in order to urge king Augustus a second time. After having rendered an account at Vienna of the success of my negotiations, I was sent, withont loss of time, to Frankfort, to hold conferences with the clectors of Mentz and Hanover, and with the Dutch ambassador, Ke hteren. I gave out that this journey was on account of my health. My general language to these little allies was, "It is your policy to aid the Coalition. Were you not to come voluntarily forwards, the Emperor would find it necessary to subsist his armies in your territories, and would perhaps consult his own interest by doing it but if you relax in your exertions, beware lest another Louvois have it in his power to ravage your dominion's with fire and sword." My rule in diplomacy has always been to rest my arguments on the interest of those whom I was addressing; and 1 have a mortal hatred to the courtiers who are always holding to their royal master such language as, "These princes have a personal regard for your Majesty;" or "Things are going on as well as possible; whatever was wrong is putting to rights."
I collected my army, consising of Austrians and German auxiliaries, at Coblentz; the French had one hundred thousand men in the Low Countries, while Marlborough had only sixty thousand. I ordered my troops to proceed to join him by forced marches, and repaired in person to his quarters with all possible dispatch, apprehending that a battle might take place without me. Cadogan mes me at Maestricht, and told me that the French had surprized Ghent, Bruges, and Plaskendael, and that I was wanted at head-quarters. I went by way of Brussels, where my meeting with my mother, after an absence of twenty-five years, was very affecting, but very short; and I found Marlborough encamped at Asch, between Brussels and Alost. Learning that the enemy had their left on the other side of the river Dender, I asked Marlborough, when I arrived, whether he did not mean to give battle." That," said he immediately, "is my intention, and I am much gratified, though not surprized, to find that it has struck us both that, unless we fight, the enemy may cut off our communication with Brussels: but I should like to wait
the arrival of your troops." That," I replied, "I would not re
commend, for the French would then have time to retreat Vendôme wished to dispute the passage of the Dender by our troops. He said to the Duke of Burgundy, whom bad counsellors were urging to march to Ghent, "when you discover to Prince EUGENE a wish to avoid fighting, he knows how to force you to it." I saw that expression in the letter of justification which he caused to be printed at Paris.Cadogan advanced to Oudenarde, and made a bridge on the Scheldt in the course of a few hours. "We have yet time," said Vendôme to the Duke of Burgundy, "to check our march, and to attack, with the troops at hand, that part of the allied army which has crossed the river." The Duke hesitated, stopt on the height of Gavres, lost time, sent twenty squadrons to dispute our passage, then recalled. them, and ended by ordering the troops to march to Ghent. "The time for doing that is now past," said Vendôme, "the enemy will be on us in half an hour." 66 Why then did you stop me," cried the Duke of Burgundy. "That you might attack without delay," replied Vendôme; "look, Cadogan is already master of the village of Hurne and of six battalions. Let us at least draw up our troops as well as possible."-On our side, General Rantzun led the attack; and he overturned a column of cavalry, but would have been handled as roughly himself, had it not been for the opportune assistance of the electoral prince of Hanover, who had a horse killed under him in the scuffle. Grimaldi, on the side of the French, was precipitately or dering a charge. "What are you doing," cried Vendôme, who galloped towards him, " this movement is wrong "The Duke of Burgundy ordered it," replied the other. The Duke, piqued at this contradiction, thought of nothing but of retorting it; and when Vendôme wished to charge with the left, "What are you going to do," cried the Duke; "I forbid it; there is a ravine and an impassable morass." What must have been the indignation of Vendôme, who knew the ground, having passed it a few moments before! We might perhaps have been defeated if this misunderstanding had not existed; for our cavalry was more than half an hour in array before our infantry could come up to its support: a delay which made me abandon
abandon the village of Hurne, to reinforce our squadrons on the right with the battalions there stationed. The Duke of Argyle came up first with the English infantry, having made all possible dispatch; next came, but much more slowly, the Dutch. "At last," said I to Marlborough, we are in a condition to come to close action.” It was six o'clock at night on the 11th July; we had still three hours of day-light; my station was on the right at the head of the Prussians. Some of our battalions turned their backs on being attacked by the French with unparalleled fury: but they rallied, and recovered the Jost ground. The battle then became general along the whole line, and formed a magnificent sight. It was a continued blaze of fire; and our artillery did a great deal of execution, while that of the French, being badly posted, in consequence of the disunion of their leaders, effected much less. On our side all was harmony; we loved and esteemed each other; even the old Dutch Marshal Óuverkerke, the venerable friend of Marlborough and of myself, fought on under our orders, with wonderful alacrity.
The following is a proof of our cordiality. Things were going on badly on the right, where I commanded; when Marlborough perceived it, and sent me a reinforcement of eighteen battalions, without which I could hardly have kept my ground I then advanced and drove back the whole of the enemy's first line: but, on coming to the second, I found Vendôme at their head, on foot, with a pike in his hand, animating his soldiers. He made so resolute a stand that I should never have beaten him without the aid of Natzmer; who with the Prussian gens d'armes broke through, scattered the enemy, and made me completely victorious. Marlborough paid much dearer for his success on the left, where he attacked in front, while Ouverkerke dislodged the enemy from the hedges and villages. Nassau, Fries, and Oxenstiern drove the enemy's infantry beyond the defiles: but the household troops coming up treated our men roughly. I now reciprocated to Marlborough the assistance which he had lent to me early in the action, and sent Tilly; who, making a long circuit, fell on the rear of the gallant household troops, at the moment when they threatened to snatch the victory out of our hands. Then, at last, all was decided in our favour. The darkness of the night prevented the pursuit, and suggested to me a method of increasing the number of our prisoners. I dispatched drummers in all directions, with orders to sound a retreat in the French manner, and I posted the French refugee officers, so as to call out," This way (regiment of) Picardy, here Champagne, here Piedmont !" The poor soldiers ran thither in crowds, and I made a good harvest of them; the total number of our prisoners being seven thousand. The Duke of Burgundy and his bad advisers had retired long before this happened, and Vendome collected the remains of the army, and took charge of the rear guard.
As it had become so dark that our troops were firing on each other, Marlborough waited for day-light to overtake the enemy before he arrived at Ghent: but Vendôme had posted his grenadiers on the right and left of the great road, and they routed in the morning the detachment of cavalry which Marlborough had sent in pursuit. Vendome was thus enabled to save the wreck of the army,
which entered Ghent in the greatest confusion, along with the Dukes of Burgundy and Berry and the Count of Toulouse. The presence of Vendôme restrained, calmed, and comforted the soldiers. The Generals held a council at the inn called the Golden Apple; and the advice of the princes and their courtiers was wretched, as usual. Vendôme grew angry, declared that he would not continue to be so thwarted, and gave orders that the army should encamp behind the canal of Bruges. I pitied him from the bottom of my heart.
Being certain that Marlborough could not fail to make good ar rangements, I went, the day after the battle, to see my mother at -Brussels. How many tears of joy did she shed, on seeing me return with additional honour! I told her that the part of Marlborough had on this occasion, as at Blenheim, seemed to me grander than my own. The joy of revenge was in some degree mixed in her mind with exultation at our victory; and she was delighted to see the humiliation of a king who had quitted her in her youth for another woman, and exiled her in her advanced years. After having passed a fortnight with her, my troops from the Moselle came up, and we were then as strong as the French. I sent eight battalions to reinforce Marlborough, who covered Flanders; and leaving the rest to cover Brussels, I repaired to the Duke's head-quarters. He. Ouverkerk, and I all agreed to send a large detachment to lay waste Artois and Picardy, in order to oblige Vendôme to quit his camp: but that General saw through our design and remained immoveable. I proposed that we should undertake the siege of Lisle; the Dutch deputies took it in their heads to be of another opinion: but Mark borough was on my side, and they were forced to hold their tongues. The charge of the siege devolved on me, and Marlborough commanded the covering army.'
[To be continued.]
ART. X. La Voix de la Nature, &c.; i. e. The Voice of Nature on the Origin of Government; a Treatise in two Volumes, developing the Origin of Society, the Distinction of Ranks, of Property, Authority, Sovereignty, Civil Associations, Laws and Constitutions; the progressive Changes in civil Society; the Power of Sovereigns, Conquerors, Usurpers, &c. ; and generally all Questions of natural, political, and civil Law appertaining to Government. Second Edition. 2 vols. 8vo. PP. 466.
Dulau and Co. London.
W learn that this work is the republication of a treatise which was printed some time ago at Vienna, and which professes to contain the refutation of the doctrines of popular right as originally advanced by Rousseau, and as promulgated, with all the authority of government, in the early part of the French Revolution. The author undertakes to dive to the bottom of his subject; and to extract, from the depths of the law of nature and of civil law, the formidable weapons with which he assails his antagonists. His first topic of inquiry regarde the original source of authority in all nations; and this is traced, with no slight show of self-congratulation at the discovery of the
coincidence, to the author or founder of each nation. Lest the municipal jurisdiction of free cities should be accounted an exception to this rule, a particular section is appropriated to display their derivation from the same source. The various stages of civil government, from the patriarchal downwards, are next discussed; and the progression, extension, and delegation of authority by conquest, incorporation, hereditary succession, &c. are explained in conformity to the writer's grand principle. with a resolute denial, on all occasions, of any right of interference on the part of the people. After having taken great pains to establish this doctrine in the abstract, he proceeds to confirm his reasoning by examples from history. We present a short specimen of the manner in which he applies his theory to the origin of government among the Romans and the Jews.
Many causes have been assigned for the rise and fall of the Roman power: but that which in my opinion was the principal has been omitted, namely the grandeur and the decline of its government." If ever a city was destined to command the universe, it was Rome : established by a founder who was descended from the immortals, and enrolled among the Gods after his death, this city inherited an au thority which exalted its kings above other kings, and its people above all nations. The laws and ordinations of so dignified a founder bore a stamp of grandeur that was unrivalled among neighbouring tribes: but whence did this founder himself derive his power and grandeur? From his exalted parentage. Among the Romans, the Greeks, the Carthaginians, as well as all other nations, the sovereign power did not proceed from the body of the people; it descended from the parents of the respective founders of these nations.
It is fruitless to cite the example of the people of God as an instance of the election of kings without regard to hereditary right. Before the Jews had become a people, they had in Jacob a general founder; and in his twelve sons, each tribe had its hereditary prince and chief; but the interference of Providence in the affairs of this people made them a conspicuous exception from our general rule: power, which in other nations proceeded from a mortal founder, proceeded in their case from the creator of the universe. When the Jews desired to have a king, they applied to Samuel, the servant of their heavenly king; and the assemblage of tribes and families at Mispa took place under the direction of Samuel by the divine command; a circumstance which, so far from proving the right of a people to elect their king, tends on the other hand to shew that the people have no right even to meet together without permission from their king.'
Most men, we believe, are agreed that the nature of the Roman government was the fundamental cause of the Roman greatness but how far the character of this government was exalted by the pedigree of Romulus, or how far the assembling of the Jews under the direction of Samuel goes to shew that 'people have no right to convene without permission from their king,' are questions of a very different description.—