lend their sanction to the last violent change in the constitution. But, notwithstanding these favourable indications, the general fact, that the mass of society in France has undergone, and is undergoing, a moral change which is not improvement, is apparent throughout the whole of its moral and political controversies, and nowhere more clearly than in the pages of M. Comte himself. The great fact which is continually present to the mind of M. Comte is that of moral decomposition -progressive moral and intellectual anarchy-or a constant approach to that state of universal personal isolation in which all the ties between man and man are broken, and in which every restraint imposed by tradition and early education has been uprooted. This presence and influence of an atmosphere of social decay are felt throughout the Philosophie Positive, as in the Annals of Tacitus; and it must be added, that the stoical elevation of the writer, despite of some querulous outbreaks, is quite as conspicuous as that of the great Roman historian 1. M. Comte's view is, that a condition of pro

The extraordinary position of Tacitus, however, is seldom appreciated. It has been depicted by Mr. Torrens M'Cullagh, with great force, in his "Lectures on History," in the following passage:—

"In this respect, I am inclined to look upon this work of Tacitus as one of the most stupendous efforts of truly moral greatness that we know of. I allude especially to the triumph of self-sustaining energy it manifests. In most other biographies of nations, there are magnificent materials to work upon; Tacitus had worse than none. In all of them there is likewise the great ingredient of antagonist powers in action to be depicted; but resistance was dead in his time. Herodotus is the chronicle of Grecian chivalry-the narrative of the most brilliant struggle that the world has seen, of moral discipline and daring with gigantic brutal force. Thucydides is an antithesis from end to end. Livy tells how the bloodhound cub was born, and how it grew, amid every sort of danger, from its suckling time in the wolf's den, till its matured ferocity, when every leaf in the forests of Asia and of Gaul had learned to tremble at its imperial howl. Polybius, too, had the same canvas to tint, though his colouring is more uniform.

"But Tacitus had a civilized desert for his landscape-a moral grave-yard for his scene. The conflict of political principles and powers was over and past. The cataract had worn itself down. No man dreamed any more of a democracy; no man imagined the restoration of an aristocratic commonwealth was possible. The provinces had ceased to revolt; Numidia was become a domestic corn-field; and the Greeks had learned to dance gracefully in their chains. As far as the circumspective

gressive moral decomposition is characteristic of all Europe, and that all convictions and institutions will have to be recast upon the basis of the Positive Philosophy. We may accept his testimony as to the existence of the disease within the range of his immediate observation, but by no means his remedy. What Plato could not do for Greece, M. Comte will not do for France. If an influx of new moral life is ever to reorganize and bind together her severed classes, and to restore her social health, it must be sought for elsewhere than in philosophy.

United States.

The North American Republic, though divided from us by the Atlantic, offers, in the peculiarities of her social condition, even more that is instructive and interesting to us than France. An Anglo-Saxon people, living under Anglo-Saxon institutions, may enable us to seize and understand better the tendencies of principles which are working amongst ourselves. In this study we have the aid of one of the most accomplished observers that have ever surveyed the social life of nations. The "Democracy in America" of M. de Tocqueville is a work of classical authority even in England. With all the best qualities of French thought and French style, it indicates a sympathy with English ideas, and an understanding of English peculiarities, such as was never before shown by a Frenchman.

eye could reach, there was nothing to be seen, but the rotting superincumbent weight of Rome. In the Babel chatter of the thronging of the forum, or in the dim silence of the night watch, no man any longer whispered-change. Had it been otherwise -had the sodden sense of helpless unresistance to imperial despotism been less thoroughly felt as universal and inevitable-Tacitus dared not have publicly let fall those scalding tears, which form the current of his history.

"But think what it was to have the heart to write at all, at such a time! Think what it was for one, whose soul was untainted by his time, to write of it! Think what the strength of that spirit must have been to produce a work like his, and that despite the oppressive consciousness that he should never live to see the day when it could be appreciated, possibly without any distinct hope that it should ever be so !"

Now the general conclusion of M. de Tocqueville's work is, that the uncontrolled working of the democratic and commercial principles in the United States is not favourable to the moral progress of the people. Starting on a higher level of moral and political attainment than any other new community, they have made prodigious advances in wealth and power; but if any change has taken place in their moral condition, it is not improvement but deterioration. The character of the public men has declined from what it was in the revolutionary period. Legislation has fallen into the hands of an inferior class. Demagogue adventurers have everywhere acquired an immense increase of power, and the best minds not only shrink from political life, but from all open expression of opinion where it conflicts with that of the majority. This relinquishment of independent thought and utterance, considering the naturally stubborn independence of the Anglo-Saxon character, is a fatal sign of moral decay. It is particularly striking in reference to the subject of negro slavery, respecting which the moral sentiments of a large portion of the American community have undergone so much depravation, that if the slavetrade were yet to be abolished, it is doubtful whether the measure would obtain the sanction of the legislature. It is true that a strong reaction has appeared in the abolition movement, and this shows the still powerful vitality of the moral sense in the national mind of America; but the intense and-I must say it the unchristian violence of the Abolitionists, containing amongst them, as they do, men of the most heroic stamp, is itself the clearest evidence of the malignity of that moral evil which calls it forth. So influential over the whole field of morals, politics, and even religion in America, is that influence which may be called the Slave-power, that many of the leading Abolitionists, in spite of the patriotism which runs in the blood of every American, go the desperate and ruinous length of demanding a dissolution of the union. With respect to commercial morals, the tone is certainly lower than in England. Mr. Dickens's portrait of the "smart" man is not

to be forgotten. The brilliancy of Mr. Dickens's colouring may sometimes go beyond the sobriety of Nature; but his honesty is undoubted, and his insight into character such that, upon a point like this, his single testimony must outweigh thousands of disclaimers. Other travellers have described the prevalence of bankruptcy to be so great, as to cause it to be considered not in good taste to allude to the subject in general society. The pilgrim fathers, and that noble old colonial society which lives again in the pages of Mr. Bancroft, would hardly have understood this new variety of moral sentiment. As for the pursuit of gain, it is admitted that the passion rages with growing violence from year to year; and now, the Californian discoveries, by opening new visions of sudden wealth, have given it a fresh and fearful intensity. Looking at the American community as a whole, then, the signs of moral progress appear much less prominent than those of moral deterioration'.

Here are the weighty conclusions to which the mind of De Tocqueville was led by his survey of America, during which, indeed, while he had American society before his eyes, he was, as he said, thinking of France, and more or less of every European country:

"Les peuples chrétiens me paraissent offrir de nos jours un EFFRAYANT SPECTACLE; le mouvement qui les emporte est déjà assez fort pour qu'on ne puisse le suspendre, et il n'est pas encore assez rapide pour qu'on désespère de la diriger: leur sort est entre leurs mains; mais bientôt il leur échappe.

"Instruire la démocratie-ranimer s'il se peut ses croyances-purifier ses mœurs—— régler ses mouvemens-substituer peu à peu la science des affaires à son inexpérience, la connaissance de ses vrais intérêts à ses aveugles instincts-adapter son gouvernement aux temps et aux lieux-le modifier suivant les circonstances et les hommestel est le premier des devoirs imposé de nos jours à ceux qui dirigent la société. "Il faut une science politique nouvelle à un monde tout nouveau.'

CHAPTER III.

GROUNDS OF FEAR AND HOPE IN ENGLAND.

66

England, with all thy faults I love thee still."-Cowper.

Evil Signs in England.

COMING back to England after this survey of foreign countries, it is impossible not to begin with the suspicion, that from the evil influences which have been at work elsewhere she cannot have escaped. She certainly has not. Decay has attacked, and is weakening, some of the foundations of her moral strength; but the more the position and character of England are studied, the more the conviction will grow, that an unparalleled conjunction of happy influences has as yet preserved her from any fatal taint. The moral condition of society in England, however, is a subject infinitely too large for treatment here; but two characteristics may be noted, as showing the working of exactly the same tendencies which appear in North America.

First, increased eagerness in the pursuit of wealth, accompanied by relaxation in the tone of commercial morality. Secondly, a decline of moral courage and frankness, as appearing in public life.

Upon the increased eagerness in the pursuit of wealth, enough has been said in the earlier pages of the present work. It may be added, however, that the prominence of a portion of the aristocracy during the last speculative fever was greater and more conspicuous and discreditable than on any previous occasion. One striking moral effect of intense competition may also be noted, as set forth in an article on Civilization, which