CHAP. CLXXIV. A. D. 1800. it is right to show a readiness to agree to the armistice, with such modifications as may prevent the principal mischief to be apprehended from it, and as are in fact conformable to the model (of the armistice with Austria) which France professes to follow, though the substance of their projet widely departs from it. In the shape which we have given to the measure, France will be put, in the essential point of supply of naval stores for her ports, on the same footing (as nearly as the nature of the thing will admit) which she prescribed for the Austrian fortresses blockaded. She will also be restrained from making during the armistice any new disposition of her naval force; and our allies, particularly Portugal, will be secure from annoyance. The season of the year itself (independent of the articles of the convention, as we propose them, and of the right of search which we retain,) will render it impossible for them to procure any material supply of naval stores before the end of the year, and will therefore prevent their deriving that advantage which we should have most to apprehend. On the whole, I am persuaded that the inconvenience of the armistice, thus modified, would be much less than that of Austria being driven at the moment either to separate peace or the renewal of hostilities; and that if the modifications are rejected by France, we shall at least have shown that we have done all that in fairness was possible towards general peace, shall stand completely justified to Austria, and shall carry the opinion and spirit of our own country with us in any measures which the continuance of the war on this ground (if such should be the result) may require. I wish W. could have had time to have given notice to yourself and such of our colleagues as are at a distance; but the business has pressed so much to a day as to make it impossible. It will give me great satisfaction if the grounds on which we have acted meet your concurrence. I imagine it will not be long before you return to the neighbourhood of town. If the negotiation takes place we shall very soon have to settle the instructions for Mr. Grenville, The issue of our transactions with Denmark is very satisfactory and opportune. It may perhaps render the tone of M. Talleyrand less offensive than it is in his last note, and may even incline the Consul to close with our proposal; though on the whole I rather expect that our negotiation will be broken off, and that all we can do is to stand ourselves on good ground. 66 Ever, my dear Lord, Sincerely yours, "W. PITT. "A full power will probably be necessary for concluding the Convention, which Lord Grenville, I believe, will prepare and send to-morrow." 66 Sept. 16th [1800]. “MY DEAR LORD, "In consequence of the tumultuous proceedings in so many parts of the kingdom, on account of the price of corn, it has occurred to myself, and to as many of our colleagues as are in town, to be very desirable to take some public step on the part of Government, which may at least show that its attention is drawn to the subject, and may possibly have a good effect in pointing out to the magistrates the line of conduct which ought to be pursued. The tendency to riot which appeared yesterday in London (though suppressed without difficulty), seems to furnish an additional reason for such a measure. On these grounds we have thought it right to prepare the draft of a proclamation, to be submitted to his Majesty; and if you concur with us in the general opinion, you will, I hope, have the goodness to make such corrections as you think proper in the draft. Mr. Faukener leaves town to-day, and will reach Weymouth in the course of to-morrow or very early on Friday, for the purpose of attending as Clerk of the Council. imagine you will find no difficulty in procuring the attendance of a sufficient number of Privy Councillors, and it will probably be most convenient to take the opportunity of fixing the prorogation of Parliament to any day which may be thought proper. Probably the middle of November would be as natural a time as any other, though I hope there will be no occasion for really meeting before the commencement of the Union. It seems doubtful whether there is any necessity for prolonging the period for the free importation of grain, as the prices will, of course, keep the ports open for some time. But it may, perhaps, be as well to pass an order for this purpose, receiving the King's permission to make use of it or not, as shall be found expedient. "After writing thus far I have seen the Duke of Portland, who I find means to go himself to Weymouth to attend the Council, which makes it hardly necessary for me to give you the trouble of reading this letter. We shall probably, in the course of the evening, be enabled to send you the answer which has, we know, reached Otto, and probably by this time is transmitted to Lord Grenville. "Ever, my dear Lord, CHAP. CLXXIV. A. D. 1800. Same to same. "Yours sincerely, "W. PITT." CHAP. CLXXIV. A. D. 1800. Lord borough to The proposed measure was highly disagreeable to the King, who abhorred the idea of entering into any terms with the French regicides; but Lord Loughborough seems with sincerity to have tried to soothe his indignation, and wrote the following letter upon the subject to the War Minister: ("Private.) "DEAR DUNDAS, Weymouth, Wednesday, Sept. 17th, 1800. "You could not have been more surprised than I was with the first communication of a project for a naval armistice. The royal mail had brought a despatch in the morning, with which the King seemed very much satisfied. He gave it to me upon his landing at Portland Island, and as Windham and I rode with him, told us that it contained the French project for a naval armistice, which appeared, by Lord Grenville's letter, to be thought totally inadmissible. There was no opportunity of reading the despatch in the course of the morning, but I had run my eye over it very hastily when the carriages were at the door after dinner, and told Windham that the letter did not seem quite so strong as H. M. had taken it to be. Upon our return to the Lodge, we learnt that a messenger had arrived: the King called us in, and made me read the despatch, with which he was very much agitated. The letter did not contain much reasoning upon the subject; but stated the unanimous opinion of those present to transmit the counter project on our part. It seemed to me, at that moment, that a discussion of the measure itself was useless, and that nothing remained but to fix the limits of concession, that it should go no farther. The King's answer was to that effect. When I got home I found a letter from Mr. Pitt, which I ought to have received before I had seen the King, as it contained a much better justification of the measure than Ld. G.'s letter, and made a strong impression not only on my mind, but on Windham's. The consideration which I felt the most strongly was, the influence of the measure at home. There are many men, certainly, who may feel it to be a dangerous concession to admit the possibility of a naval armistice, but amongst those of that opinion you will find a very considerable proportion who are disinclined to all continental engagements. With only such support it would be a very difficult task to maintain the contest in which we are engaged. Another class of men, from whom no good is ever to be derived, consists of those who, from weakness or malevolence, cry out for peace. To guard against the mischief they A. D. 1800. may do, it is necessary to risk, to a certain degree, the danger of CHAP. concession in any approach to negotiation. We have hitherto CLXXIV. gained by an appearance of a disposition to treat, and I have great faith in Mr. Pitt's knowledge and judgment of the public mind. For the rest, I concur in a very great degree with your reasoning, except that I do not think it quite so easy to detach ourselves entirely from Austria, especially at a moment when, after great efforts, that power is suffering under the adverse fortune of war. "The King is very much pleased with your dissent, and I showed him your letter to me. It is not impossible that I might have joined in that dissent at Cheltenham; but at Weymouth it was a very different case. After all, however, I have a strong confidence that the answer from Paris will leave no difference of opinion amongst us, though I feel a little uneasy at the delay, which seems to indicate some hesitation on the part of the Consul, whether to accept or reject our proposal. "Thursday, 10th.-I could not finish my letter yesterday in time for the messenger, and the mail of this morning has made the greater part of it unnecessary. I should hardly have troubled you with it, if the King, who is perfectly satisfied with the present state of things, had not directed me to tell you that he agrees entirely with the reasoning of your letter to me, and that he thinks you had not seen his short note in answer to Ld G.'s despatch on the counter-project. The answer of this day alludes to it. We are now, fortunately, restored to our proper situation, and Otto's note affords a complete justification of our refusal to yield what the enemy acknowledges would have given them the means of retrieving their own losses, and restoring their naval power. "I must close here for the present, lest I lose the messenger again, who will set off immediately after the council. I have not yet had any conversation with the D. of Portland, who is arrived, and waits for me. "I ever am, dear Dundas, "Yours most entirely, "LOUGHBOROUGH." The terms required by the French being wholly inadmissible, the negotiation for the proposed armistice was at an end, to the mutual satisfaction of the King and his Ministers; and it seemed as if no other subject of difference was likely to arise between them. But Mr. Pitt, who in concert with CHAP. Lord Grenville, Mr. Dundas, and Lord Castlereagh, had CLXXIV. been laying a plan for the emancipation of the Irish Catholics, - intending that the King should not be made aware of it till it was matured, on the 25th of September wrote the following letter to Lord Loughborough : A.D. 1800. Mr. Pitt's letter to Lord Loughborough on Catholic emancipation. Lord Loughborough betrays Mr. Pitt to the King. ("Private.) "MY DEAR LORD, "There are two or three very important questions relative to Ireland, on which it is very material that Lord Castlereagh should be furnished with at least the outline of the sentiments of the Cabinet. As he is desirous not to delay his return much longer, we have fixed next Tuesday for the Cabinet on this subject; and though I am very sorry to propose any thing to shorten your stay at Weymouth, I cannot help being very anxious that we should have the benefit of your presence. The chief points, besides the great question on the general state of the Catholics, relate to some arrangement about tithes, and a provision for the Catholic and Dissenting Clergy. Lord Castlereagh has drawn up several papers on this subject, which are at present in Lord Grenville's possession, and which you will probably receive from him by the post. "Ever, my dear Lord, "Yours very sincerely, "W. PITT." I am much afraid that Lord Loughborough behaved disingenuously on the receipt of this letter. Sincerely believing that Mr. Pitt was ill qualified for conducting the contest with France, he might patriotically wish that another minister should be substituted for him, but nothing can justify the arts to which he seems to have had recourse for effecting this object. It has been said that, as soon as he gained information of Mr. Pitt's intentions respecting the Roman Catholics, he treacherously made a communication on the subject to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and prevailed upon him and other Prelates to make a strong representation to the King that *If we may believe Lord Malmesbury's Diary, the King at this time summoned Mr. Windham and the noble Diarist to Weymouth, with the intention of making the fromer Prime Minister, and the latter Foreign Secretary. He adds, -"I have no doubt it transpired somehow or other through the Chancellor, who has been acting various parts lately."— Vol. iv. 23. |