СНАР. CLXXI. A. D. 1792. himself (as he generally does) practicable. He doubted Pitt's sincerity, and suspected he had no other view than to weaken their party, and strengthen his own; that to divide the Opposition was his great object; he doubted also the King's having consented accordingly to dismiss the Chancellor, and seemed to think it possible that a new Administration might be formed through him, from which Pitt was to be excluded." "June 17.-Lord Lough. called on me; he related very accurately all that passed between him, Pitt, and Dundas on the Thursday evening. Pitt, he said, wore every appearance of sincerity and frankness." "June 19.Lord Lough. with me. He said he really thought it unreasonable to expect that Pitt should quit the Treasury;—that he could not, and would not, make such a proposal." "June 22.- Burke wished to see me, and I went to breakfast with him. He said there was no doing without Fox or with him; that he wished it to be declared by the heads of the great Whig party, that all systematic opposition was at an end; that for the better security, and in order to give a strong and convincing mark of it, Ld. Lough. should, by being made Chancellor, represent the party in the Cabinet, and be the link between them (the Whig party, he meant, and the Government), in order that, if on some future day the difficulties now arising from Fox's character and conduct should decrease, or the distresses of the country increase, a junction might be accomplished in a more easy and natural manner than even by the beginning the whole afresh." July 5.-Lord Lough. related to me a long conversation he had a few days before with Fox, in which he said Fox appeared more harsh, impracticable, and opiniative than he could have supposed him to be; that he saw no chance of any thing being done while Fox remained in his present temper of mind. He appeared hurt by Fox's behaviour and manners towards him." "July 27.-The Duke of Portland told me this day that the Garter had been offered to him, through Lord Lough., which he had refused." "Dec. 18.-Lord Lough. called on me; he was greatly hurt at the Duke of Portland's inaction and Fox's violence. He urged the necessity of his talking to the Duke of Portland, and going to him in a body, to compel him to declare himself either decidedly for, or decidedly against, Fox." "Dec. 20.— At Lord Lough.'s particular request, Sir Gilbert Elliot went to the Duke of Portland, to know what was his opinion as to Lord Lough.'s taking the Seals. The Duke was decidedly against it, and said he would never consent to it." 66 CLXXI. A. D. 1792. Difficulties in the way 1792. borough's the Alien Bill. Loughborough was now in a great rage at finding himself CHAP. thus baffled, and determined to act a very decisive part for himself. Parliament had been suddenly called together by proclamation, and the first anti-Gallican measure was the Alien Bill, — to prevent the importation of republican principles. of the neBy this, contrary to the common law, the vexatious and gotiation. useless system of passports was established for all aliens; the Secretary of State was authorised to expel all aliens from the kingdom, and regulations for the discovery of all aliens were imposed on the keepers of inns and lodging-houses, to be enforced by the punishment of transportation. The second Dec. 21. reading of the bill being violently opposed by the Earl of Lord Lauderdale and the Marquess of Lansdowne, it was gallantly Lough. defended by the aspirant Chancellor. Said he: "My Lords, speech in my regard for the laws of the country, and the obligations of favour of religion, and the allegiance I owe to the Crown for the protection I receive from it, demand my support to the Government upon this occasion. The bill is indeed an extraordinary measure; but is not the situation in which we stand extraordinary? The period most resembling the present is the reign of Elizabeth, when the overgrown power of Philip agitated and alarmed every surrounding nation. Actuated not only by ambition, but by religious fanaticism, his greatest efforts were excited against this island. Money, forces, seditious writings, emissaries, were employed to excite plots in England, insurrections in Ireland, and an invasion from Scotland against the Queen; but they were employed in vain,owing to the wise regulations adopted by that Princess and her Parliament. At present a great and powerful people, actuated by a new fanaticism of infidelity, are endeavouring to propagate over Europe principles as inconsistent with all established government as they are with the happiness of mankind. However extravagant the new doctrines may be, they have undoubtedly made some proselytes in this country, and though in numbers they are as yet comparatively insignificant, they are stirring and active in their mischievous purposes, in hopes of domestic insurrection and confident of foreign aid. During the temporary success of the combined CHAP. CLXXI. sovereigns their voice became more faint, but the moment that the tide of war turned in favour of France they resumed A.D. 1792. their courage; sedition broke out with increased violence, and clubs and societies for propagating their baleful opinions were formed all over the kingdom. Embassies were sent to France to congratulate the National Assembly on their victories, and even to promise the assistance of numbers here who would rise up in their cause, and who, in return, expected fraternal help to overturn the Constitution of England. In France anarchy and confusion triumph. There they had long vilified the Christian religion; but now, incredible as it may seem, public professions of Atheism have been made in full convention, and received with unbounded applause. It has been solemnly proclaimed that there is no God, and the basis of their new institutions is Atheism. The sanctity of the seventh day was very soon abolished by them, and they have at last destroyed the relation of parent and child. Their false prophet has taught that no honour is due to the parent, who in his turn may abandon the child. Robbery, murder, and licentiousness not only go unpunished, but are encouraged as meritorious acts. False testimony is a proof of patriotism, and so entirely are all ideas of property subverted, that it has lately been announced from authority that the farmer has only possession of the corn he has reaped as a trustee, but that the beneficial property is in the public, who have a right at their discretion to take it from him without recompence. It has been said that the fears of Ministers are affected, and that there is no foundation for the alarms which they have circulated. Ministers are tauntingly called upon for their proofs. Parliamentary scepticism may be allowed; but if any man out of the House were to hold such language, he would be laughed at. A proper sense of danger pervades all ranks of men, and all but the disaffected are ready to come forward in the common Although the disaffected be few, they must not be despised. Your Lordships should recollect that the massacres of Paris in September were perpetrated by not more than cause. - CLXXI. A. D. 1792. 200 persons, in the midst of a city containing 600,000 in- CHAP. habitants, with 30,000 men under arms. Let us not think lightly of what may be achieved by a small band, armed with daggers, under the cry of No King!' We might already have been in a worse situation than when the metropolis was blazing and the mob were triumphant in 1780, had not Ministers wisely preserved the public tranquillity by calling out the militia, and making the military preparations that now resound in all quarters. The noble Earl has complained of loyal associations, which are not legal, but meritorious, as tending to strengthen the hands of Government, and preserve civil and religious liberty. By the Constitution of this country, all are bound actively to assist in putting the law in force. I will tell the noble Earl what associations are illegal and punishable: associations to publish resolutions condemning the conduct of judges and juries, and vilifying the free institutions under which we and our fathers have lived and been happy. We ought to give Ministers all the powers they ask, and the confidence which accompanied the decree of the free city of Rome in times of public danger: Quod caveant Consules ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica! I have no difficulty in saying that the present situation of this country would have justified a stronger measure than this bill for the regulation of aliens. I hope the people will now rush forward to assist the Executive Government in its paternal purposes,—burying all past differences and disputes in oblivion." This speech was received with loud cheers by the Ministerialists, and Loughborough flattered himself he had made such an impression upon his own friends, that the Duke of Portland, as the leader of the alarmist party, would immediately have risen and declared that they approved of all he had said, in which case the transfer of the Great Seal would have taken place next morning. But the Duke, though Difficulties repeatedly urged, remained profoundly silent: a suspicion Duke of existed that he and those more immediately under his influ- Portland's ence still adhered to Fox, and the Chancellorship was too high a price for one solitary desertion. The continuation Mr. Fox. from the reluctance to leave CHAP. CLXXI. A. D. 1792. Progress of the negotiation between Lord Loughborough and Mr. Pitt. of Lord Malmesbury's Diary brings the intrigue to its consummation much more strikingly than any laboured narrative: Dec. 22. 3 o'clock. Lords Loughborough and Porchester, Burke, Sir G. Elliot, Anstruther, Dr. Lawrence, and Elliot of Wells, met at my house. Lord Loughborough said he had been with the Duke of Portland — that he had had a very long and explicit interview with him that the Duke had entered fairly into the subject that he had declared himself as averse as he himself was to Fox's principles and motions-but that he was of opinion it was not yet time to break with him, - and that it would be better to try for every possible means of reconciliation. He was convinced that Fox had lost himself by what Baldwin had told him, and that he himself was a partaker of his unpopularity,-yet that still he wished to keep on terms with him. Lord Loughborough then stated to us how such a conduct, inasmuch as we were considered as belonging to the Portland party, involved us in all the unpopularity and disgrace attending Fox's principles; - that therefore it was become necessary to decide what was to be done, and how the duke of Portland could be obliged to delare his sentiments to be contrary to those of Fox. Burke with his usual eloquence talked for an hour. We sat till it was time to go to the House, without coming to any other conclusion than that we would meet again in greater numbers, and the next day was fixed for that purpose.-At the House of Lords I saw Lord Carlisle; he was for Lord Loughborough's accepting the Seals as a pledge for the good intentions of the party."-" Dec. 26. The Alien Bill passed, opposed by Lord Guilford, and Lords Lansdowne and Lauderdale. These two made violent and mischievous speeches. Lord Loughborough answered them in one of the finest speeches possible. But the Duke of Portland, to the great concern and grief of his friends, did not say a word. I urged him repeatedly to get up, but he said he really could not, he felt it impossible: that Lord Loughborough had said all that could be said, and that it was impossible to speak after so fine a speech. I pressed him to say those very words and nothing more, but without effect."-" Dec. 27. I received a letter very early from Lord Loughborough, lamenting and complaining of the Duke of Portland's silence, - lamenting it from public reasons, complaining of it from the injury it did his numerous body of friends who wish to hold high the honour of his name:— |