resistance of our chief Statesmen, of all parties, to the most dangerous of its pretensions, and especially to that of separating us from all continental interests and concerns, the British Government would exercise a preponderating influence in the new settlement of Europe, as well in negociating its terms, as in procuring solid securities for their observance. These hopes were disappointed. Treaties indeed were made, with more or less regard to an imaginary standard, by which the territorial possessions of certain great states were to be balanced against each other; smaller and local interests were provided for ; much diligence was exerted by the negociators in adjusting the relative proportions, and the times of payment, of the contributions imposed on France; but neither in settling the treaties of 1814 or 1815, nor at the subsequent congresses at Aix-la-Chapelle1 and Carlsbad, does it appear that any regard was had to the only basis on which, in the present condition of the world, the Peace could be consolidated, to the solemn promises of the Sovereigns in the hour of their necessity, nor to the Rights which the People of Europe had acquired for themselves at the expense of so many sacrifices and sufferings. 2 And with regard to the influence of the British Government in the negociations for the general Peace, it appears to have been unavailing, whether for the protection in general of the weaker states, or for the maintenance of its own engagements with the People of Italy. The arrangements then preparing for the world were conducted, on the contrary, on principles the very reverse. Public opinion was disregarded. National feeling was despised, and the expression of it harshly repulsed. Whole countries were transferred from one Prince to another, without any consideration for their wishes or habits, or the ancient prejudices under which they had lived happy and become great. Convenience, with a view to the re-establishment in its integrity of their own absolute Power, was alone consulted by the Sovereigns in their transactions with each other. It was not long before a new System for the internal government of Europe, with an express view to the consolidation of this Power, was formed by the Sovereigns and openly proclaimed. The development of this system displayed the most extravagant pretensions. Treaties were entered into inconsistent with the rights of all independent nations, and with the foundations of all lawful authority. Giving to their new compact the name of a HOLY ALLIANCE, they proceeded to institute a Council, or Court of High Sovereignty, arrogating to themselves a jurisdiction over the people of all countries, and assuming a right to determine all questions in any wise relating to the changes, or remedial laws, which any state might think fit to introduce into its civil code; while they professed to be themselves governed in their decisions. by no law, other than their will, measured out according to a new, arbitrary, and capricious rule of their own invention, and called by them "THE MONARCHICAL PRINCIPLE." "I According to this rule, no remedy to the most palpable and crying abuses, no alteration of the most inconvenient forms, no resistance to the most grinding oppression, no improvement by the adaptation of old institutions to new wants and new interests, could be attempted by the mass of the population in any state, without incurring the guilt and penalties of rebellion; but all people were ordered to wait the will of their Sovereign for such institutions as he might choose to grant, and for assigning such limits to his authority as he or his favorites might find convenient. In order to secure obedience to the mandates emanating from this council, a large military force, utterly disproportionate to the means of their subjects, or to their respective necessities as a defence against aggression, was kept up by the three chief members of the alliance. Upwards of one million two hundred thousand men were held in constant readiness to execute the common will. Europe thus saw extinguished her last hopes of freedom, and even of tranquillity. The arbitrary sway of Napoleon was in fact succeeded by a system of fresh exactions, generating still more extensive demands on the industry and submission of the People. Ancient, and almost forgotten abuses, were sought out and restored; and as if in emulation of the worst part of the reign of liberty and equality, a new code of civil obedience was every where set up, supporting itself by THE ARMED DOCTRINE OF LEGITIMACY, and disposing no less arbitrarily than the governments of the wildest theorists of the French Republic, of the lives and resources of its subjects, for the accomplishment of its criminal purposes. In pursuance of their common views, the Sovereigns have assembled at various times, and have never separated without adopting some new measures for the abridgment of the liberties of mankind. Within the kingdom of France, their accredited agents had maintained a correspondence with, and admitted into their councils on the footing of a regular power, a faction openly embodied against the throne and constitution of that country as by law established. 'Berlin Gazette article. 1 They received and encouraged invitations from that faction to retain their armies in France beyond the term stipulated by treaty for its evacuation, and even to enter again upon its territory; and in a recent instance they assumed the direction of the councils of that kingdom, by demanding such alterations in its fundamental laws as might assimilate its government more to the MONARCHICAL PRINCIPLE as by them defined, declaring that under the laws which then regulated the construction of its representative assembly, there could be no safety for the Sovereigns. Under pretence of alarm from noxious sects and societies, they have procured from the Diet of the German Confederation a set of the most arbitrary decrees,' affecting the state of society and civilisation throughout all Germany at its very source. They have drawn within the action of their own power and influence, the whole scheme of education in that country; appointing every where commissioners to reside at its universities and seats of learning, with power to examine into and report, not the acts only, but even the dispositions, of the several professors and students; who on such report, are made liable to civil incapacities affecting their future means of subsistence. They have subjected the Press to a rigid censorship. They have established in the centre of Germany a committee of federal inquisition, to take cognisance of offences proceeding from a pretended conspiracy, which they are pleased to impute to all mankind against their lawful rulers. And they have compelled those States of the Confederation whose chiefs had given constitutions to their subjects without previously consulting their sovereign pleasure, to adopt those decrees, under pain of separation from the union. PROCEEDINGS of this nature were well calculated to awaken the fears of all people living under governments of their own creation and choice. They became more alarming from the conduct and language of one of the principal Sovereigns, on the notification made to him, by the Spanish minister resident at his court, of the Revolution of Spain. Deceived in their hopes, and wearied out by severities, the people of that country took up arms for the recovery of their Constitution. The first measure of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, on hearing it, was to declare this act of the Spanish nation to be an "aggression which nothing could justify;" to tell them that "all Europe was about to speak in one unanimous voice to the Spanish government" in the same language; that the institutions they had adopted were "imposed on their Sovereign by one of those violent acts, the fatal patrimony of the French Revolution;" and that the nature of the relations which he Acts of the Confederation at Frankfort, 20th Sept. 1819. himself meant thenceforward to preserve with the Spanish government, "would depend on the measures by which Spain should endeavour to destroy the impression produced on Europe by the event of the month of March." This Declaration was succeeded by a circular Memorial addressed by the Russian Cabinet to all its ministers at foreign courts,' announcing the same sentiments in terms still more peremptory and offensive. Contrary to the evidence of the clearest facts, the Revolution of Spain is again affirmed to be one and the same with that of France, and to have been brought about by "the genius of evil.” Threats are held out, that although revolution had changed its ground, the DUTIES OF MONARCHS had not changed their nature; that in virtue of the treaties of 1818, the Emperor was bound" to mark with his most forcible reprobation the revolutionary measures of Spain;" and the Spanish nation is called upon to perform "AN EXPIATORY DEED" at the shrine of offended legitimacy. Similar insulting language was held by the agents of the Sovereigns in all the Courts of Europe; nor was it till they had discovered the physical obstacles to an attack by force on the kingdom of Spain, that they evinced a reluctant and hollow acquiescence in the revolution; while they still omit no occasion of traducing and vilifying the Spanish Constitution, and of holding it out to Europe as the source of every crime and every mischief. But it was reserved for the changes which the Neapolitan Nation, in concert with the King and his family, had effected in its government, to call forth on the part of the Sovereigns not only the most violent denunciations of wrath and revenge against that devoted People, but likewise a full avowal of their arbitrary designs. In vain the Neapolitan government offered to the power in nearest connection with it, every satisfaction that she could require with regard to the nature and pacific character of the changes which had taken place. In vain it had given early proofs of that character by suppressing an insurrectionary spirit, favorable to the views so unjustly imputed to it, which had broken out in the papal dominions. The changes were condemned by the court of Vienna, before they could even be fully known. A constitution which guaranteed the succession of the throne to the present dynasty of Naples, was declared "subversive of ALL thrones." A compact agreed to on the part of the King in compliance with the unanimous wishes of his People, and originating in his own voluntary promise, was characterised as "sapping the social edifice to its foundations." Minister after minister charged with the explanation of these ⚫ Circular Memorial of the Russian Court on the affairs of Spain. 2 Austrian Note to the Senate of Hamburgh. 3 Proclamation of Ferd. IV. dated Palermo, May 1, 1815. changes to the Austrian Emperor, was insulted in his capital, or contumeliously repulsed from his frontiers.' The Sovereigns assembled at Troppau. There, the resolution was taken not to treat on any terms with the new government of Naples, but "to put an end to it by a common effort." They resolved also to punish the chiefs and fomenters of those changes," and in order to give a more striking proof of the feelings by which they were animated, they selected the King of Naples himself to bear the first marks of their insolent vengeance. Regardless of his venerable age, they summoned him to attend them at their adjourned High Court to be held at Laybach. They knew that by a fundamental law of the new Constitution (to the operation of which, by an inconsistency ever attending on force under the direction of fraud, they had themselves submitted by the very act of summoning him) the King could not pass his frontiers without the consent of his Parliament. They knew that he could obtain that consent in order to meet and confer with them, only on the condition or maintaining that which they had confederated to destroy. Yet they forced him "to submit to this humiliating condition." It was enough for them that he had become a Constitutional King, to deprive him of the respect due to his crown. It was enough that he had sworn to maintain inviolate his compact with his people, for them to resolve that he should exhibit in his own person. (if they could make him do so) the example of a monarch perjured, because he was a monarch by the Laws. No sooner had they gotten possession of his person, than they forced him to write to his son, enjoining his Royal Highness to submit to the demands of the Sovereigns: and an Austrian army advanced towards the Neapolitan territory. This hostile aggression was accompanied by a Manifesto from the Court of Vienna, containing in substance a denunciation of war against all popular governments. Speaking in the name of the other Sovereigns, the Emperor of Austria declares that he will put down by force of arms the Constitution and Parliament of Naples; and that if his armies be not sufficient for that purpose, the Emperor of Russia will join him. He declares that "after having accomplished this, it will be for the KING ALONE to provide for the strength and stability of his Government." And he declares further, that when all these designs shall have been completed-when the Sovereigns shall have thus "insured the Rights of Thrones, WITHOUT WHICH EXTERNAL PEACE Letter from the Duc de Campo Chiaro to Prince Metternich. 2 Austrian Declaration. 3 Austrian Declaration. |