relating to Prisons; with some temarks on the practice of looking to the Task-master of a prison, rather than to the Chaplain, for the reformation of offenders; and of purchasing the work of those whom the Law has con- demned to hard labor as a punishment, by allowing them to spend a portion of their earnings during their imprisonment. By G. Holford, Esq. M. P. [Second Edition, with Corrections and Alterations].......... 143 VIII. The EXCLUSION of the Queen from the LITURGY, historically and legally considered. By a BARRISTer. [The Fourth Edition, enlarged by the Author.]...... 191 IX. On the POETICAL CHARACTER of POPE; elucida- ting the "Invariable Principles of Poetry," &c. in re- ply to O. GILCHRIST. By the Rev. W. L. BowLES. [Original] (Concluded from the last No.).......... 215- X. PHOCION in Reply to CATO, in Defence of the People of England, and in Vindication of the Public Press; with a few words in conclusion to the EARL of LIVER- FOOL. By a BARRISTER. [Second Edition.] · .......... 259 XI. On the present Timber and Deal Trade, as regards CONTENTS OF NO. XXXIV. 1. M. J. B. Say's Letters to the Rev. T. R. Malthus, on Political Economy; parti- cularly on the Causes of the General Stagnation of Commerce. (Translated from III. On the Poetical Character of Pope, &c. By the Rev. W. Lisle Bowles. [Ori- ginal.] IV. On the Production of Wealth; in a Letter to the Rev. T. R. Malthus, occasi V. On the present National Distress. VI. A Free Trade essential to the Welfare of Great Britain, &c. By J. Clay. VII. Essay on the Currency. [Original.] VIII. The United Kingdom tributary to France the real Cause of our Distresses. X. Considerations on the Corn Question, &c. [Original] On the Expediency and Necessity of STRIKING OFF a part of the NATIONAL DEBT; with Observations on its practicability with the least possible injury. [Origi- nal.] ... **** ****** II. Two LETTERS to the Right Hon. LORD BYRON, in answer to his Lordship's Letter to Rev. W. L. BOWLES's Strictures on the LIFE and WRITINGS of POPE: more particularly on the Ques- tion, whether Poetry be more immediately indebted to what is SUBLIME OF BEAUTIFUL in the works of NA- TURE, or the works of ART? By the Rev. W. L. .... 331 III. An Essay on CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE, with the DRAFT of a NEW PENAL CODE; in which it is at- tempted to define Crimes and Offences with clearness and brevity; to render Penalties proportionate and consistent; and to promote a pure, speedy, and cheap, administra- tion of Justice. By J. T. BARBER BEAUMONT, Esq. &c. &c. &c. [Continued from the last No.] IV. A Letter to G. WEBB HALL, Esq. Secretary to the BOARD of AGRICULTURE, &c. &c. in reply to his Let- ter to the PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE, &c.; and to the Views and Demands of the Agricultural Asso- 433 V. A Letter to the Rt. Hon. FREDERICK J. ROBINSON, PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE; on the present DEPRESSED STATE of AGRICULTURE. [Original.]. 459 U CONSTITUTION. By LEWIS CORNARO. [Trans- lated from the Italian. Thirty-third Edition.]...... 495 VII. Brief Observations on the COPY-RIGHT BILL; at- tempting to prove its injustice towards AUTHORS, and its tendency to injure the cause of LITERATURE. In a letter to the BISHOP of NORWICH. [Original] 583 VIII. PROTECTION to AGRICULTURE, or UNIVERSAL RUIN. Further Considerations on the CORN QUES- TION, &c. [Original: Continued from No. XXXIV.] 529 IX. Further Remarks on some passages in SCRIPTURE, re- 1. II. The Declaration of England against the Acts and Projects of the Holy Alli- Reflections on the Conduct of the Allies. III. Sketch of a Plan for a Reformation in the System of Provincial Banking. V. On the Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, and on the possible consequence IX. On the Poetical Character of Pope; further elucidating the "Invariable Princi- X. Phocion in Reply to Cato, in Defence of the People of England, and in Vindi- XI. On the present Deal and Timber Trade, as regards Europe and the British American Colonies. [Original.] DECLARATION, &c. &c. WHEN War broke out in Europe in consequence of the French Revolution, the People of Great Britain were led to take part with the combined Sovereigns against France, under various pretexts. A breach of treaty was alleged. The preservation of our properties, the defence of our establishment against Republicans and Levellers, and many other reasons, were urged for persevering in a contest once begun; they were strengthened by appeals to the national pride, to our sense of moral and religious duties, to our sympathy for a suffering world, and to every noble and generous quality of the human heart. These motives prevailed. Touched by the sentiments of honor, and persuaded by plausible expositions of the national interest, we followed the leaders of our public councils in the course prescribed to us, with implicit deference and with unextinguishable ardor. We stopped at no sacrifices. We gave them the Revenue of the State, and the principal of its wealth. We surrendered to them our Constitution. We shared with them in every vicissitude of good and of evil fortune during a period of twenty years-deserted, and occasionally attacked, by those very Sovereigns for whom we had first embarked in the contest-until it pleased Providence to interpose for our common preservation, and by destroying the armies of Napoleon, to open the way for a general peace. Delivered from all danger affecting ourselves, we saw with satisfaction the opportunity return to Europe of repairing its many losses, and of regaining the liberties of which its People had for so long been deprived; and it was not without the hope that, having so largely contributed to the fall of the French power by the uniform |