MEETING OF THE COUNCIL.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS-EXTENSION OF PLAN.

WE, the Ten, in Council assembled, must, in the first place, offer our apologies for keeping back many contributions of immediate interest, which ought to have found a place in the present number. We had, indeed, selected a variety of short letters for insertion, which are written upon the passing subjects of the day. Our excuse for their omission is absolute want of room. It must not be supposed that we are insensible to the value of such communications; as we are anxious, rather, that they should form hereafter a distinguishing feature in our publication.

We are obliged to all our Correspondents: but we can only afford to return answers to the following:

"Political Queries," and "A Few Plain Questions to the present Whigs," we must beg leave to reserve.

The critique on Mr. Moore's "Loves of the Angels," came too late, and is not exactly suited to the plan of the Council of Ten. We dislike the poem altogether. The verses are completely in the " ducentos stans pede in uno" style. We could, ourselves, we really think, do two hundred as good any day after dinner in "an hour by Shrewsbury clock," One of Mr. Moore's beautiful songs is worth the whole production ten times over.

To" One of your Readers," who writes for the purpose of noticing a few delinquencies in our last number, we shall have something to say next month.

The state of Ireland is a theme too important and too melancholy to be entered upon in a notice to Correspondents. Of the "Suicidal Violence of Parties;" "The disgraceful Outrage upon the Lord Lieutenant," and the more formidable conspiracy with which it is said to be connected—of the late spirited measure of the Marquis Wellesley with regard to the Irish magistrates—and the general condition of that unhappy country, we must speak hereafter.

It is too soon to talk about "Mr. Canning in Office." Let us give him time. It is most unfair to attack a minister before his measures can have possibly developed themselves. We ought not to refuse him our confidence, until he has forfeited his claim to it by his own misconduct. We concur with 66 A Friend to Humanity," upon the proclamation of general Mina, with respect to such towns as should admit within their walls any troops of " the Army of the Faith." It is at once ferocious and unjust. We no more approve all the acts of the Spanish constitutionalists, than we admire the principles of the French ultra-royalists; or applaud the interference of the continental cabinets.

The general our thoughts.

"Character of the Spanish Revolution," has long occupied

Several hints have been forwarded to us with regard to the acknowledged blunder, My Lord, We write." One gentleman says, "It is usual with

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petitioners to begin with, May it please your lordship-We, the undersigned, &c. and in this manner they avoid the solecism." But unfortunately-or rather fortunately, we are not petitioners. We wrote to Lord Byron: and the only petition which we are at all disposed to make to his lordship, is that he will leave off playing the fool, and no longer exhibit himself to the world as an obedient subject to the king of the cockneys. Philologus" offers a very ingenious solution of the difficulty, by suggesting that one person writes in the name of many: and, therefore, it is very proper to say, "My Lord, we write." For our own parts, however, we could rather cut the knot, than attempt to untie it. We trust to established usage. Custom may authorise, in English, the expression, "My Lord, we write," as it authorises in French the expression, "Monsieur," or 66 Monseigneur, nous," &c.

"A constant Reader”—evidently a lady by her style-complains bitterly of our compliments to the sex-which she is pleased to call, flattery," "falsehood," and "nonsense." We have no doubt, however, but that, if we enjoyed the honour of her acquaintance, we could pay her many compli ments, without either the first or the second-although it does not become us to say much about the third.

The danger of having any share in the "Foreign Securities," has been already exposed.

"A Reformed Gambler" will find, that a writer in the Times of December 25th, has suggested the institution of "A Society for the Suppression of Gaming and Gaming-Houses." We hardly imagine that either this scheme, or the somewhat similar expedient which our correspondent proposes, will be found efficacious or practicable. For ourselves, we would gladly co-operate in any plan, which might tend to the suppression or diminution of so calamitous an evil, provided always, that it can be done without having recourse to means directly at variance with the spirit of the constitution.

The letter of "Christianus," contains much both of good writing and good feeling. We have, however, already hinted at the peculiar obligation of exercising Christian benevolence; of affording a refuge to the shelterless, and subsistence to the famished at this season of the year. We need say no more. To lengthen the appeal would be to weaken the impression. It is a point to be felt and not demonstrated.

"A Lover of the Fine Arts," has misunderstood us. We admire them as much as himself. We meant only to say, that virtue is something more valuable than taste:-that it is better to be good men and good citizens, than good painters and good architects.

We read with infinite regret the charge of Baron Graham on the grand juries of the counties. We shall be glad to hear further upon the subject from "A Lawyer.”

We have not forgotten our promise of examining the "Present State of the Theatres."

The subject of the Bankrupt Laws-Insolvent Debtors-and the new Metropolitan Society, shall not escape us.

"A Bachelor" may be regaled with a long article upon the New Marriage Act, on the 1st of February.

After the communications of our various correspondents had been considered, the President rose, and remarked, “ That they had already done good. They had given, among other benefits conferred upon the community, the first impulse to that spirit which now existed of attacking and exposing the ignorance, the sophistries, the partiality, the corruption, the scurrility, the mis-statements, and the inconsistencies of the periodical and public press. He was glad when others adopted their ideas, and laboured to counteract the oftendesigned inaccuracies and mischievous principles of the daily and weekly newspapers. For themselves, they ought seldom to enter the lists in such a contest, except when the delinquents to be punished possessed more than usual importance, or could afford more than usual amusement.

"It was hardly necessary for him to add, that, since a new publication was so soon to be established, which might be the vehicle of their opinions upon matters of passing interest, immediate politics would, for the future, form a very inconsiderable share in the reports of the council. By that omission, however, they would be enabled to improve and enlarge their plan in many other respects. They would now exércise, with more frequency and effect, their judicial and deliberative functions; and, perhaps, devote some space to general literature. They had also wisely determined to labour with anxious, and unintermitted earnestness, in the great cause of the universal amelioration of mankind."

"Yet," interrupted Clericus," amid these grand and comprehensive speculations, we must not overlook the immediate evils which can be corrected, the immediate good which can be done the objects, in fact, sub pedibus.””

"Of course," said the President, "we shall do what you suggest. To laugh down follies to cry down ridiculous customs, and absurd fashions-to expose quackery-to denounce impositions-will form a complete and separate department of our toil. We must shew ourselves legitimate successors of the Tatlers and Spectators, and the rest of that fine old breed of authors which is now extinct."

"Many

"The only legitimate successors," said Urbanus. other persons have urged the very same pretension before us." "Well," answered the President, "if we cannot be the only successors, let us strive to be the best.”

The following is the PROSPECTUS of a WEEKLY JOURNAL, to be published on the 4th of January, 1823, with which the Council of Ten will be connected. What will be the nature or the degree of the connectionand what other parties are concerned, there can be no necessity for stating. To the success of a new periodical publication two things are peculiarly necessary, a good plan, and the competent execution of that plan.-Its fortune, perhaps, depends principally on the latter. The best design, if poorly conducted, or attempted with inadequate means, must fall to the ground. In a Prospectus, it is possible to speak only of the plan :-the execution must be left to speak afterwards for itself.

It is well, however, to explain the nature of the design. No honest men will endeavour to take the public by surprise, or entice a single reader to spend his time or money upon a publication, without giving him an opportunity of judging for himself, in the first instance, whether its general scope and principles are such as he can approve.

"THE UMPIRE" will be a work exclusively political; but political in the highest and most comprehensive sense of the word Politics.

In general terms-to establish a political publication upon original and independent principles, distinguished by its honest fairness, its impartial liberality, its practical utility, its gentlemanly spirit, and the acknowledged personal responsibility of its writers-to make it a work sui generis—a vehicle of sound views, and real information—to arbitrate between the conflicting parties in the state-to keep political writers within bounds-to superintend the press-to form a Court of Appeal from its erroneous decisions, and to save honourable individuals from the consequences of its unjust attacks to direct the public mind into the paths of political and moral truths to fix a steady and impartial eye upon the passing events-to advance the true interests of England, Europe, and mankind—and to present a faithful picture, a general mirror, of the times, will be among the chief objects proposed to themselves by the proprietors of "THE UMPIRE."

"THE UMPIRE" is intended to be a work, which shall and must be read by Whigs and Tories of all ranks and all descriptions. But the conductors would peculiarly address themselves to that respectable and estimable class of persons who have no party but their country-to the individual, whoever he may be,

"In moderation placing all his glory,

While Tories call him Whig, and Whigs a Tory." The conductors of "THE UMPIRE" have been urged to their undertaking, by many and strong inducements. They are sure that such a work is wanted; they believe that it will do good. They also imagine, not from any extravagant opinion of their own acquirements, or their own talents; but from the constitution of their minds, and the peculiar facilities which they possess, that they are not altogether ill qualified, or ill calculated, for the performance of their task. They see a vast field of useful and profitable exertion opened before them; they discern a certain prospect of doing some

service to the state, and of reaping for themselves an ample harvest of honest reputation and honest emolument.

Among the old Roman Laws, as mentioned by Cicero in his "Offices," is the following: "Intercessor malæ rei civis salutaris esto:" which they take the liberty of translating. "Let the opposer of a bad system be accounted a good and useful citizen." The conductors, therefore, of the proposed work, being impressed with the conviction, that the present system of political writing is in many respects disgraceful, and capable of improvement in all,, thus early claim some credit for their interference, on the strength of the ancient statute above quoted. They are well aware, that the most approved mode of announcing a new public journal is to begin by a sort of apology, or explanation, for increasing as it were, the glut of the market; for adding one more, when there are already too many. They, however, will offer nothing of the kind: since the very number and variety of existing newspapers is among the chief inducements, which have urged them to the present undertaking. And if this multiplicity was augmented by a thousand fresh adventures, they will see in them only a thousand fresh reasons for the

appointment of an "UMPIRE."

The present work will be, as it professes to be, a political arbitrator. It is instituted for the especial purpose of keeping a check and superintendence over all other political publications; of exercising a strict, fearless, and unsparing censorship over all public men, all political parties, and all political writers. The Editors are confident, that by the adequate execution of such a plan, they will not only place "THE UMPIRE " upon far higher grounds than any public journal whatever has hitherto assumed; but raise generally the character and respectability of that department of the Press, which is at once the most dignified in itself, and the most degraded by the imbecility or corruption of the persons who conduct it.

Again "THE UMPIRE," it is hoped, will be a lasting mirror, in which may be traced the existing state of parties, and the avowed grounds on which their several opinions have been formed. It is imagined, too, that the conflicting sentiments of various classes of politicians, by merely being placed in contrast and juxta-position, will mutually reflect a strong light upon each other, and even afford a key to the knowledge of the motives by which they have been swayed, and the secret spring which have acted upon their understandings, influenced their judgments, and set their penetration at work. But the conductors of " THE UMPIRE" will not stop here,—they will not merely watch over the conduct and sentiments of their contemporaries :they have opinions of their own to advocate, political principles of their own to disseminate and maintain. Professions of impartiality and independence they disdain to make, not because they shall be found either partial or dependent-God forbid !-but because they will be something more than impartial or independent. They aspire, not simply to show that they are unshackled by the fetters of any existing party; but themselves to give a tone and bias to the public judgment. The best guarantee that they shall not follow in the train of a political leader, is, that they aim at having followers of their own, They will not be the disciples of a master, because they look forward to being the founders of a sect. They will not be subservient because they hope to dictate.