in her love? but I should profane that name, if I were to apply it to the vulgar passion of the seraglio.

But our inquiry has been found to divide itself under so many heads, which it seemed necessary to touch upon (besides many of which all mention has been omitted) that it is already spun out to an unpardonable length-nor will I now prolong its tediousness by useless recapitulations. It will be sufficient to add, that there are, I think, very few points on which Orientals can boast of any advantage over us; while we enjoy many means of comfort and happiness, which are to them as if they existed not. Some of their virtues too have a suspicious colouring-there is much affectation in their dignity, and much imperiousness in their pride-their tranquillity borders on stupidity, and their religious zeal is rank madness-many of their vices, jealousy for instance and revenge, are pushed to the most violent extremes. On the other hand, whatever may be the defects (and there are many) which grow out of a state of high civilisation; however contemptible in theory is that habitual dissimulation, which constitutes politeness; it appears certain that the state of society most pregnant with happiness is that, which corrects and softens what is savage in our nature, and encourages whatever is amiable-that, in which affection is expressed with ardour, and animosity with mildness-in which the roughness of our ruder passions is polished away, and with the roughness a part too of the substance.

POLITICAL RETROSPECT.

PRESENT STATE-PROSPECTS.

To narrate and set forth in order the particular events, which have happened in the year which is now passing away from us for ever, would be to assume the province of an annual register a task which forms no portion of our present functions. Nor is it necessary, for any practical purpose, to enter into details which must be fresh in the public recol

lection. On the contrary, we shall have a far better idea of the universal course of affairs, and the real progress of mankind, by taking a rapid comprehensive view of the grand drama, which has been acted upon the theatre of the world, than by involving ourselves in the minute complexity of actions and debates; as when we wish to ascertain the great characteristic features of a country, instead of suffering our perception of more magnificent objects to be lost in examining step and by step, and with tedious accuracy, every petty hill or lake, we must survey, from a short distance, the general sweep and elevation of the mountains, the general course of the rivers, the general bearings and outline of the district.

In the brief and summary retrospect, which we propose, we shall touch separately upon our foreign relations, our colonial dominions, and our internal state.

If we look at our foreign relations—or rather cast an historical glance upon the state of Europe, and the other quarters of the globe, we shall say that the year 1822, was remarkable, not so much for the occurrences which have actually happened, as for the temper, and opinions, and spirit which they exhibit; and the mighty consequences which they are calculated to produce upon the future destinies of men. We are far, indeed, from asserting that no great events, no important changes have taken place. Italy and Spain, Turkey and South America would attest the folly and the falsehood of such an assertion. But we do affirm, that they seem likely to lead to events infinitely greater-to changes infinitely more important. They bear in them the germs of continental revolution-perhaps to be attended by the destruction of temporary repose, and an immense sacrifice of life-perhaps to be effected without war or bloodshed-but of revolution still. Whether such a revolutionary state of things, as must, in all human probability, arise upon the ruin of past systems is an alteration to be hailed with rejoicing, or be deprecated, time and the scenes it shall present will best determine. But we can hardly be mistaken in our expectation of very considerable vicissitudes. In the past year, Naples, and Greece, and Spain, and Mexico have all told us the same tale. In all these countries one identical drama has been acted, and is being acted at this moment; in all, the plot has been the

same; nearly the same have been the incidents; and the same, we are inclined to believe, will be the final catastrophe. In all—and in all equally-the struggle has been between the principle of liberty, not always well regulated and well understood, with the principle of legitimacy, often misapplied and brought forward as a mere flimsy veil to screen the principle of despotism. On the one hand, in societies of Carbonari, in Landaburian clubs, in the assemblies of the Liberals, there has been much designed mockery of the name of freedom, and much real misapprehension of its true nature; on the other, the old theories of government, views which, to a certain extent, are indispensable for the preservation of order, have been pushed too far for the progress of opinion, and the spirit of the age. Both sides have been right in a part of their attempts-the one, in the desire to preserve peace, and prevent eonvulsions-the other, in the endeavour to obtain a representative constitution. On both sides, again, there has been excess, followed by the lamentable mischief which excess engenders. They, who possess power, have rather sought to augment it, than willingly suffered it to be diminished; they, upon whom the dawn of liberty has burst, have been dazzled and intoxicated with the glory of the vision. It is a melancholy reflection, that men, in the first attainment of the noblest blessing under heaven, are like children with a new plaything, which they break to pieces in their impatience to display, and their ignorance how to use it.

Naples took the lead in the career of change. The Carbonari revolutionized the state :-but it must be remembered, that among the intellectual and unshackled classes of society, almost all are Carbonari. Here, however, the experiment has for a time been unsuccessful. For this want of success many obvious and sufficient reasons may be assigned. We allude to the disunion-the treachery, or fear of treachery, among the chief men-the cowardice and moral degradation, begotten by a long period of political subserviency—to the debasement caused by superstition to the division of Italy into various departments, neither independent in themselves-nor bound together like the Swiss cantons by a common tie-but annexed to several masters, and in some cases to foreign potentates as an integral share of their dominions. Nor must we forget

in our enumeration of the causes, to which the failure of the Italians is attributable, the manner in which the revolutionary government acted towards the Sicilians-a course of conduct which did no common injury to their cause, by depriving it of its moral strength. Be this as it may, the Austrian troops marched from Vienna to Naples almost without the loss of a man. For the Neapolitans, the struggle was as brief as it was inglorious. Their pusillanimity was a theme of ridicule, or regret, for Europe. Still, however, a sullen tranquillity cannot be maintained without the intervention of an armed force: the soldiers of Francis the Second remain in the capital of Ferdinand the Fourth; and if the constitution is to remain "in statu quo," they will not speedily depart.

In Greece, things have hitherto assumed another aspect. The issue of the contest is yet uncertain: but we can hardly imagine that the dominion of the Turks will ever be reestablished on its former basis. The Greeks have appeared, in some instances, inspired by the deeds, and imbued with the courage of their forefathers: although they certainly have not proved themselves upon the whole equal to the men, who fought of old at Thermopylæ, or Marathon. But in a comparative estimate of the ancient and more modern exploits, we must never be unmindful of the influence which a continued servitude exerts in deteriorating the character, and destroying the energies of man. England has been a mere spectatress of the conflict-neutral, but not indifferent: and in spite of our classical enthusiasm, we are compelled to think that she has done wisely.

Of Turkey, we need only say, that the Ottoman power is dwindling to decay, and even crumbling to pieces, as the Ottoman glory has long been on the wane. Insurrection and convulsion have just occurred at Constantinople. Let not Russia take the whole advantage of them. Russia is to be distrusted: Russia is to be dreaded. She is even now upon the watch; she keeps a keen and anxious eye upon the provinces of the grand signior. She is only waiting for a favourable opportunity to spring upon the prey.

With regard to the independent government established, or about to be established in South America we shall express

our sentiments on some future opportunity. In that magnificent quarter of the globe, the spirit of freedom has made, during the last year, rapid, and unwearied, and unintermitted advances. There has been no pause-no oscillation. The impotent hankerings of Spain and Portugal after their lost dominions in the new world have been pitiable in the extreme.

If, however, we look only to Europe, these countries are presented to our view in a more dignified and favourable light. Spain has obtained a constitution, which however it may require the modifications of matured wisdom, and actual experience, is at least an improvement upon the dynasty which it has supplanted. It is not, after all, a constitution which foreign nations are entitled to put down by the sword. Here we are naturally led to say two words upon the issue of the recent Congress of Verona. The sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia have given permission to the sovereign of France to use his own discretion with regard to making war upon Spain. Alas! alas! are France and the whole continent of Europe come to this? They give France permission to make war upon Spain! Good God! what possible right have they to give it? But these monarchs have done more : they have promised the assistance of their troops in case a war is resolved, or if France is not in a situation to commence a war, Spain it seems is to be excommunicated; and until its independent constitution is abolished, to be considered no longer within the pale of civilized nations. As if—even should we grant that Spain deserved to be outlawed for having framed a foolish constitution for itself-monarchs were vested with authority to debar their own subjects from the benefits of trade, and destroy the social intercourse of European countries!

It may be an idle prejudice :-but we look with a most suspicious glance towards the ominous union of Russia, Prussia and Austria. The combination of these three powers seems more pregnant with fatal results to the prosperity and liberties of Europe, than the conjunction of any signs which ever gave occasion to the gloomiest predictions of astrology. They have combined before :—and the consequence has been an indelible stain upon themselves, and upon mankind. There