the sword. England will never sacrifice eternal principles to temporary expediency. Lastly, then, in the name of England, I conjure the sovereigns of Europe not to authorize acts of insurrection by engaging in plans of aggression. I tell them, that England will lament and shudder, will even tremblenot for herself but for the continent-if by the madness of rulers, or the strange concatenation of events, the principle of liberty is set in direct opposition to the principle of established order. I say, in the name of England, let the temple of concord be built; and let its foundation be the union of practicable freedom and regular authority. It will then be built upon a rock: the storms of ages will pass over it in vain ; and future generations will appreciate the wisdom, and bless the virtues, of the men, who contributed to raise and to support it."

These, we conceive, are sound and wholesome doctrines; although we feel that our language has been utterly inadequate to the greatness of the occasion, and the dignity of the supposed speaker. But let it pass. It will at least serve as the expression of our own sentiments, in a case where a simple exposition is more requisite than an elaborate argument. The principles, for which we contend, are recognised by the universal consent of all unprejudiced minds, and all generous hearts. The only dispute, which can arise, is about the practical application of them. As, therefore, we are merely speaking upon the general question, we need hardly say a word more upon the subject.

In conclusion, however, we would observe, that the Ministers of Great Britain in sending a representative to any European Congress must specially instruct him not to maintain, or countenance propositions abroad, which he might be afraid, or ashamed, to avow when he comes home. There must not be one political creed for the meridian of England, and another for the meridian of the continent. An English deputy must maintain that one inviolable tenet, which runs through the whole frame, and forms the very essence, of her constitution—namely, the compatibility between monarchical rights and representative government; between the most perfect order, and the greatest practicable degree of freedom. The knowledge, or rather the actual adoption, of this single principle can alone prevent years of war and torrents of blood

shed, can alone become the true basis for the repose of Europe. We might, perhaps, have gone farther in our definition, and said instead of "compatibility," the complete harmony, the intimate and indispensable union; while we think of England as the practical illustration of this sublime and vital truth.

The second great principle, which must be advocated by a representative of England, is, when one or more states are dissatisfied with the internal transactions or regulations of another, the right of interference by remonstrance or exhortation; the injustice, the madness, of interference by menaces or arms. He must declare, in the face of Europe, that a departure from this principle is authorized by the law of nature and nations, only in consequence of some overt or secret machinations of that other state; only when it sends forth its emissaries to sow the seeds of revolution in surrounding countries; when it attempts to spread the contagion of disaffection and disorganization; when in short it becomes a nuisance, which must be put down or removed, because it is impossible to live with comfort or safety in its neighbourhood. The danger, which arises from the existence of a bad consti tution in a particular state, is nothing in comparison with the danger, which must result from the recognition of a right, as vested in any Congress, of exercising control over independent governments-we will not say, "legally and diplomatically acknowledged"-but any government de facto. We would even assert, that, if one nation, as one individual, chooses to make itself miserable, no others have a right to interfere for the purpose of preventing it. The establishment of the contrary principle must be a signal for eternal broils, and continual bloodshed,-must fill the world with discord, jealousies, suspicions, and wars. Who, moreover, is to decide what is a bad, or what is a good constitution? Or who is so fit to decide what is the best constitution for a particular nation, as that nation itself? Self-defence, in short, or selfpreservation, is the only justifiable ground for interference with the internal economy of an independent state. In all other cases whatsoever, an assembly of kings has not only no right to interfere, but to debate in any Congress about the propriety of interference.

These are the two great principles, which it is the especial office of a British representative to maintain in any Congress of the men, who sway the sceptres of the world. He will urge them with that weight, which he derives from his station; and with that earnestness, which their intrinsic importance must demand. So long as the members of that high assembly can be induced to listen to them, and to act upon them, he will assist their deliberations, and co-operate with their designs. But if they determine to pursue arbitrary and fatal measures, in these he will not participate, at these he cannot connive. He will not condescend to remain in any conclave, however exalted and august, when the voice of justice and of his country is disregarded.

England will then have done her duty and she will not have compromised her dignity. She will have endeavoured to avert the storm, while it was brooding; to disperse the clouds, before they burst in thunder; and to prevent the recurrence of calamities, the horror of which, while it is fearfully pictured by the imagination, is still more vividly brought before the mind by the appalling recollection of the past. With a proud but melancholy consciousness of having been wanting neither to herself nor Europe, she will watch the fury of contending parties; waiting until the general frenzy has subsided, until her interference can be again of use, and the dictates of equity and reason can be heard once more.

We were going, indeed, as a third principle, to lay down the necessity of a strict and perfect neutrality on the part of England. But amid the awful vicissitudes of war, and the strange turns, which are sometimes taken, not only by human events, but by human opinions, it may become a serious and momentous question how far such a neutrality either can, or ought to be, observed. Heaven forbid, that we should be soon called upon to discuss it!

And we hope for better things. We confess, that we look forward through the vista of intervening confusion to bright and tranquil days for Europe and for England. Trusting to the liberal and comprehensive mind of Mr. Canning; and drawing an omen from the firm but moderate tone, which has been lately assumed by the ministerial journals, we expect to see the foreign policy of Great Britain regulated by the same

just and salutary principles which have secured so large a portion of comparative strength and happiness to her internal condition. On the realization of these expectations the repose and welfare of the world, perhaps, mainly depend, God grant, then, that our hopes may not be in vain!

THE COUNCIL OF LADIES.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

In delineating our Council of Ladies we shall preface what we have to say with some very few, and very general remarks upon the female character in England. There are none, perhaps, who are on the whole more ardent admirers of it than ourselves. A virtuous and accomplished English woman seems to us almost the beau ideal of female excellence and female fascination. We are not thinking at the moment of personal beauty, but of intellectual and moral graces. Whether we speak positively, or comparatively, we have ample reason to be proud of our countrywomen.

It may form part of our speculations hereafter to examine the female character and condition, as they have been exhibited in the various ages and countries of the world. At present we shall only observe, as a source of inspiring and gratifying reflection, that the loveliest portion of the community in our native land may shine with yet additional lustre from being placed by the side of their own sex; even where that sex has been educated with the strictest care, has been held in the highest reverence, and has been seen to the greatest advantage, among the most distinguished nations of ancient or modern times. With regard to the private life or domestic manners of Greece and Rome our information is, after all, scanty, unsatisfactory, and vague. It however sufficiently appears, that the customs of antiquity and the genius of Paganism were unfavourable to the best developement of the heart and mind of woman; while the female condition in those periods will assuredly excite but little envy among the fair inhabitants of Christian Europe. We shall hardly be expected to enter into an elaborate dissertation, for the purpose

of proving that a high-minded and well-educated English lady is a far happier being, than the secluded wives and daughters of the Athenians; a far more exalted being, than any Sappho, or Aspasia, or Phryne, or Campaspe of them all. In Rome we hear of heroines, it is true: but heroines can no more compose the bulk of a female community, than great occasions can make up the sum of life. It is also certain that we must look with considerable suspicion upon the earlier parts of the Roman annals: since the Romans, to a greater extent, perhaps, than any other people, have filled their history with magnificent impostures and patriotic falsehoods. Yet, if we are disposed to give them all the credit which they claim, and pay the unqualified homage of our admiration to the Clelias, and Portias, and Cornelias of the Roman republic; when we descend to the times, in which we have a clearer insight into the interior of their existence, what judgment are we to pass upon the Julias, and Livias, and Messalinas of the Roman empire?

On the whole, we feel a pride in believing, if a comparative estimate should be formed of the degree of virtue and happiness which has existed in ancient or modern times, that, although with regard to men the dispute might remain for ever undecided, yet as far as women are concerned, it might be settled at once in favour of the latter. Our gratification, too, is augmented, because this very circumstance is to us in itself a conclusive argument for the general superiority of the later ages of the world. For it is as unquestionable a principle, as any deduction which can be drawn from universal and uniform experience, that those nations and those periods have been the most enlightened, the most refined, and the most happy, in which women have been held in the highest honour, treated with the sincerest respect, and invested with the largest share of influence in the scale of society.

Now, of the female sex in modern times, whom shall we place in the foremost ranks, rather than the ladies of Great Britain? We are speaking, of course, simply of modern Europe; because, in this department of life and happiness, no parallel need here be drawn between the east and the west; because the women of Africa are objects rather of grief and pity than of deference or love; and because America is in