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ought of past transactions. Now that our day of office is closed, and that we have to transfer the reins of Government into other hands, I have no hesitation to come forward and say that, backed and supported as I have described ourselves to have been by the Irish representatives and Irish people, our time of stewardship has not been unfaithfully or unprofitably spent. We come not empty-handed to the reckoning, and some of our sheaves are with us.

I believe on this subject I may say, without the imputation of boasting, that we leave the administration of justice in Ireland without leaving on it the slightest stain of partiality to creed or party, but leaving respect and confidence in it more deeply seated in the breasts of the people than we found it. And I may here be allowed to notice, perhaps, one of the most important improvements of all other in this country-I allude to our giving, by every means that in us lay, our utmost development to a system, the best we could devise, of National Education. On this point, notwithstanding my conviction of its superior importance over many other measures brought into operation in this country, I shall not dilate further, because I should shrink from giving to it any party complexion, and because that much of the principles upon which it is founded, and by which it is regulated, are attributable to Lord Stanley; and, as I before coupled that nobleman's name with an unpopular measure, I now accede the more willingly to him, that that system introduced into this country by the Noble Lord, has effected the most important good; and I fondly cherish the hope that it will continue to be encouraged by the Noble Lord by whom it was founded, and by his colleagues. I say this, feeling fully convinced that, no matter from what quarter a blow to injure that institution might be aimed, it would render the author of such liable to a responsibility the most serious that could possibly occur. We now come to the period when we had to transfer the power we held into other hands; and I am entitled to say to our successors—Improve upon the errors of which we may have been guilty in our management; correct the abuses which we may have left unremoved, and carry the fortunes of the Irish people further and higher than we have been able to do; but, above all, do not suffer the sacred deposit which has been intrusted to you to be tarnished in your hands. But I say to you, above all, keep clear—knowing, as I do, some of the companionship with which you are connected-I say keep clear of the blighting breath of bigotry--foster the seeds of religious peace and good feeling which have been generally disseminated throughout the land, and which, with prudent and careful culture, may fill the furrows of the country with plenty, and its heights with verdure, and make this great people happy and united. I consider that it would be going beyond the sphere of my province for me to venture to offer to the representatives of the Irish people in Parliament any advice or suggestion with respect to the course which it is right for

them to pursue on important political questions; and that it would be as presumptuous in me, as it would be unnecessary, to remind them of the necessity of a strict adherence to legal and constitutional means, and to the plain and obvious dictates of social duty. Such a course would in me be impertinent, as well as superfluous; but, in the midst of all the elements of dissension and disunion which are thrown amongst the people, I place my reliance for perseverance in good in their own good feelings, and in the great and manifest advances in moral improvement which they have exhibited. Yes, and when I look to the mighty and most striking development of the progress of moral improvement and I do not here refer to anything arising from the ordinary measures of politicsI recall to mind that it was my lot, my good fortune, to have, in my place in the House of Commons, to bear testimony to the wondrous and astounding effects which have been attendant on the efforts of that great and good man, the Rev. Mr. Mathew. Although I fear that the present assembly bears too convivial an aspect to meet the entire approval of that good man, yet I am glad to take the opportunity to speak of the singular merits of his labours in the presence of so many gentlemen who can confirm, by their own testimony, the marvels of his glorious mission in extending the blessings of temperance through the land. He needs not--as he looks not for--our praise or approbation-he has higher motives to actuate him in his labours; but this I will say, that, when I examine this mighty reformation, I feel there is nothing too great to hope for-nothing too brilliant to expect to see realized in Ireland. These are the themes the contemplation of which fills me with hope that good will yet come to Ireland, and that the interests of this much-injured country will ultimately prevail. When I look back on the past history of this country, and her present capabilities— on all she has suffered, on all she may be destined to become-when I perceive how much she has contributed in some ways to the weakness, in other ways to the strength of England-how she has shed on every page of their blended history the traces of her power and her intellect-the light that still flashes from the sword of Wellington, and plays around the lyre of Moore-when, I say, I recollect these things, I can form no wish but that two nations so circumstanced should enter into mutual participation of every civil right, and every national privilege. They should flourish from the same sources of prosperity, and more and more encourage each other to essay the task of honour, and the way of greatness. Gentlemen, whatever may have been the object, and wheresoever the spot where the energies of the empire may have been called into action-whether men were called to place the standard of the British arms on Candahar, or above the ruins of Acre-whether it was necessary to open the Euphrates and the Niger to our missionaries and our merchants, or to disseminate amid the four southern seas the light of Christianity, Ireland has ever stood foremost in every high achievement, and let her blood flow freely on the crest of the billow and the bayonet of the foeman. And as she has shared

in the suffering, so, I trust, she will participate for many an age in those triumphs which will establish in the abode of the Heathen the religion of the Cross, and impart the blessings of civilization to distant nations. And now, Gentlemen, having been led to say thus much by the occasion, in taking leave of those with whom I have been associated, and by whom I have been sup ported, I can express my unshaken reliance on the main links which cemented our sympathies. I believe these may be resolved into ardent attachment to civil and religious freedom-not in the cold letter, but in the living spirit—not in the formal language of the lips, but in the deep devotion of the heart. Such is our cause, grounded on immortal principles; and you may rest assured that it will bring its adherents no shame. As for myself, individually, it is a painful, yet a grateful office to bid farewell to those associates whose prompt and active zeal has lightened the load of business and soothed the responsibilities of office to friends whose steady and assiduous kindness has gladdened my hours of recreation, and furnished me with stores of pleasurable recollections— and to the Irish people, who must ever command my respect, affection, sympathy and gratitude, whenever I have the means of serving them, and as long as I have the power of remembering them."


The appointment of the Earl of Carlisle as Viceroy of Ireland was hailed with delight. His immense popularity insured him a warm welcome from the Irish people, who received him with unbounded acclamation. His courteous disposition, his genial good nature, and sense of justice, inspired hope and a firm faith in the just administration of the law; and the Roman Catholic portion of the people, who had just emerged from religious proscription, revered him for the sincerity and earnestness of his efforts in regard to Catholic Emancipation. They admired his unswerving principles in favour of religious equality and constitutional liberty, and his firmness in denouncing bigotry and intolerance, and believed in their hearts that a new era had arrived for the prosperity of the country, and the perfect equality of all, without religious distinction, and for the redress of many administrative evils which still continued to exist. How the Earl of Carlisle fulfilled these anticipations, and by his impartial, firm, and conciliatory administration, gained the good will and esteem of all, and left his memory hallowed in the minds of the people, requires no comment. The

Earl of Carlisle, in assuming the office of Viceroy, brought to the discharge of his arduous duties a practical experience of the condition of the country he was about to govern. During his office of Chief Secretary a solid foundation had been laid for the just and impartial administration of the laws; the people reposed confidence in the justice, wisdom, and benevolence of the administration; he was the founder and principal promoter of the new system of governing Ireland; he was beloved and revered by the people; his popularity and influence were unbounded; his genial kindness of temper, the chivalrous generosity of his disposition, his devoted attachment to Ireland and its people, the bland suavity and courtesy of his manners, his love of civil and religious liberty, the purity of his nature, the enlightened principles of his mind, all contributed to endear him to the nation; whilst his long and successful experience, his firmness and prudence in administration, were the surest safeguards for the preservation of tranquillity, the suppression of crime and disorder, and the promotion of the material interests of the people, their prosperity and happiness. No Viceroy ever assumed the government of Ireland under happier or more favourable auspices-no nation ever felt more confidence or reliance upon the justice of the administration, or more hope in the progress of the national prosperity, under the care and fostering charge of the distinguished nobleman to whom that charge was intrusted. He acquired the esteem and confidence of all classes of Irishmen, even those most opposed to his political views.

The Irish people-who never forget a favour or prove ungrateful to a friend-will preserve a lasting memory of the "good and amiable" Viceroy, the Earl of Carlisle. He was a true example of the sentiment,

"Ipsis Hibernicis Hiberniores."

Lord Carlisle's great object was to consolidate and unite; to disperse the elements of discord; to create a generous oblivion of past dissension and animosity; to bring together in social harmony and genial intercourse all classes and parties, and so era

dicate the acerbities and bitter feelings that for ages had disunited men of the same nation, who only required to be known to each other socially and politically, in order to the removal of those rancorous feelings of intolerance with which their minds were so deeply imbued as to prevent their concord, and a general cooperation for the improvement and welfare of their common country. He felt that his great mission in Ireland was to conciliate, to harmonize, and to unite in the bonds of peace and friendship a brave and generous people, hitherto a prey to the evil genius of prejudice and party strife. Nobly did the Viceroy, "so universal in all sorts of excellent qualities," fulfil this mission of peace and conciliation.


The subject matter of this volume is divided into various sections; the first in order contains the Addresses of Lord Carlisle in connexion with the all-important question of


"Knowledge is power."-The peace, prosperity, safety, and existence of a nation depend on its power of protecting its trade and commerce, and sustaining its interests and the various dealings of its people with other nations which must necessarily subsist. Every member of society is entitled to the protection of the State; and, on the other hand, every person is bound to contribute to the safety and welfare of the whole community, to the preservation of the peace and order of society, and the observance of the laws. Education produces our ministers, our statesmen, our ambassadors, our generals; these govern the State for the good and well-being of the people; regulate our many and important relations with foreign powers; remonstrate when wrong and injustice have been done to any subject of the realm, and punish the unjust aggressor. In proportion to the extent of dominion, of trade and commerce, will be the value and neces

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