not a moment (BULW., Rienzi 1, 1.). His top-boots would have puzzled the lady not a little (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). Can hearts, not free, by tried etc. (MILT., P. L. 5, 531.). An act not less horrible was perpetrated (MACAUL., Hist. of É. III. 11.) etc Instances of every kind are given at p. 124. Transposi tions of the negation by separation from the notion primarily touched are explained by the possibility of comprehending the predicate in its totality. For me.. my relation does not care a rush (BULW., Maltr. 5, 6.). Not also often stands after the single notion. Me also he hath judg'd, or rather Me not, but the brute serpent (MILT., P. L. 10, 494.). Immortal love, Ceasing not, mingled (TENNYSON p. 22.). Not precedes to where it is referred to the infinitive with to. To be or not to be (SHAKSP., Haml. 3, 1.). Twere better not to breathe (TENNYS. p. 293.). Yet not is also met with between both. If we had not weighty cause To not appear in making laws (BUTL., Hud., The Lady's Answ. 253.). How sweet the task to shield an absent friend! I ask but this of mine, to not defend (BYRON, D. Juan 16, 104.), with which compare the insertion of other adverbs, as in: I had been accustomed to hereditarily succeed to my father's cast off skins (MARRYAT, J. Faithf. 1, 2.). The historical development of the use of this particle (p. 124.) affords explanation of its position as a negation of the sentence. Its immediate attachment to the preceding verb needs no further mention, but it also readily tolerates (with or without ne preceding) a pronominal object or the inverted pronominal subject before it. Old-Engl.: pou ne louest me nozt (R. OF GL. I. 31. Lecherie loveth him noght (P. PLOUGHм. p. 288.). Sche saw him not with eye (CHAUC., C. T. 3415.). Lede us not into temptacioun (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 38.). pe worlde knewe hym not (WYCL, Joh. 1, 10.). Ne shal I the nouizt blame (WRIGHT, Anecd. p. 4.) Hym ne slow he nozt (R OF GL. I. 22). Kan I noght his name (P. PLоUGнм. p. 43.). Kan I hym naght discryve (p. 88.). Halfsax.: Hit neas him noht iqueme (Lazam. I. 26.). Nulle we noht pis on-fon (I. 46). not was early met with between subject and verb, especially in dependent sentences. Old-Engl.: That thou me nout bi-melde (WRIGHT, Anecd. p. 3. He callys hym so, bot he not is (Town. M. p. 229.). Halfsax. patt pwerrt ut nohht ne lezhepp (ORM. 760.). Anglosax: pät pu naht ne tveôge (BOETH. 5, 3.). With proximate reference to a member of a sentence or to single notions, not early preceded them. Old Engl: Not only in breed a man lyveth (WRIGHT A HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 41.). Not oo word spak he more (CHAUC., C. T. 306.). Nat fully quyk, ne fully deed they were (1017.). I se.. Noght ful fer hennes Rightwisnesse come (P. PLOUGHM. p. 379.). To riche and noght riche (p. 283.), so too with the infinitive. Nought for to stynte to doon synne, may nought avayle (CHAUC., C. T. p. 185. II). Halfsax.: Ne comm nohht zet min time (ORM. 14371.). Anglosax pät mynster väs getimbred nôht micle ær fram Hegu (THORPE, Anal. p. 50). Noht longe ofer pis (GREIN, Ags. P. II. 99.). Anglosax. had many other negations to employ in such a case. That the substantive nôht, nâht may also stand at the commencement of the sentence, is readily intelligible. : 7. The single sentence may take in a number of adverbial determinations, which, with the freedom permitted to every single member, range themselves variously about the verb of the pre dicate, and may come before the subject. If the plainest speech here readily lets the accusative object follow the verb, before other determinations: We have read this book with great pleasure (MACAUL., Essays II. 17.), They.. pitched their tents, that day about three miles from Bridgewater, on the plain of Sedgemoor (Hist. of E. II. 171.), it gives on the other hand the preference to the personal case (the dative) before the accusative object: I'll give you boot (SHAKSP., Troil. a. Cr. 4, 5), when however the concurrence of an original dative and accusative of personal pronouns admits different collocations. See Vol. II. 1. p. 207. The further development of an accusative object frequently thrusts it, notwithstanding, to the end of the sentence. The reasons by which the succession or separation of adverbial members is otherwise determined lie partly in their growing weight and extent, partly in their nearer affinity, partly in their variety. He was here yesterday with her ladyship (TROllope, Framl. Parson 1, 9.). I'll send him to your ladyship in a crack (CH. MACKIN, Man of the the W. 1, 1.). He was hunting one day in Dorsetshire (HUME Hist. of E. 2.). And presently, at full speed, some thirty horsemen dashed through the gate (BULW., Rienzi 5, 3). At noon on Friday, the sixth February, he passed away without a struggle (MACAUL, Hist. of E. II. 12.). The law of perspicuity is frequently the sole limit for subjective license. The rhetorical approximation of determinations of the sentence may also be here incidentally mentioned, known under the name of Chiasm. It extends to every, (not merely adverbial) member, distributes the members between two sentences, and consists in the juxtaposition of like and related or contrary notions in such manner that two series of notions are placed in the inverse order to each other. I form'd them free, and free they must remain (MILT., P. L. 3, 184.). Though fall'n on evil days, On evil days though fall'n (7, 25.). They are still here, here_still! (COLER., Picc. 1, 11.) To rave with Dennis, and with Ralph to rhyme (BYRON, Engl. Bards p 318. Spreads all his canvass, ev'ry sinew plies (Cowp. p. 39.). In age courteous, be sedate in youth (CRABBE, The Borough 4.). Close the door, the shutters close (TENNYS. p. 45.). Nor will I Deed done, or spoken word deny (SCOTT, Rokeby 2, 19.). Even tiger fell, and sullen bear (3, 1.). His time a moment, and a point his space (POPE, ESSAY on M. 1, 72.). Hearts firm as steel, as marble hard (Scorr, Rokeby 2, 11.). It needs no further evidence that the ancient language was able to give the sentence a richer meaning by various adverbial determinations. Anglosax.: prose offered a well ordered junction of them; verse, a bolder one. As is evident from the discussion of the individual members of sentences, English preserves to a wide extent the freedom of the Anglosaxon collocation, and the influence of the French has not limited the language in this respect. As regards Chiasm, the parallelism of transposed series of notions has at all times been usual in poetry. Old-Engl.: Bi hire make ge sit o nigt, o dei ge god and flege (WRIGHT A HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 224.). Thou hast .. Brent my tounes, my men y-slawe (ALIS. 1720.) Beoth hardy and monly doth (1953.). The dai is gone, and comen the night (SEUYN SAGES 1947). Now he is gon, gone is our frende (Cov. MYST. 235. Halfsax.: Lauine hehte his leuemon, pene castel he clepede Lauinion (LAZAM. I. 9. Þar was muchel blod-gute, baluwe per wes riue (I. 27.). Anglosax Erest gesceôp heofon and eordan; rodor ârærde (CEDM. 112.). Väs him gylp forod, beót forborsten, and forbiged prym (69.). pâ forman tvâ, fäder and môder, vif and væpned (194.). Gârsecg hlynede, beóton brimstreámas (ANDR 238.). Hie pam hâlgan þær handa gebundon, and fästnodon feondes cräfte häled hellfuse (48.). Ne magon þær gevunjan vidferende, nê þær elpeódige eardes brûcao (279.). 8. As to the adverb as the representative of attributive determinations See p. 137. III. The Collocation of attributive Determinations of the Sentence. A. The position of the determinatives of the substantive notion is so closely connected with the syntactical relation of notions that it must be essentially treated of in the grammatical discussion pertaining to it. In general, the position before the substantive notion, as well as before the attributive determinations in the stricter sense, is to be assigned to them, although another is frequently conceded to them. 1. Both the definite and the indefinite article are essentially proclitic in their nature, always therefore preceding the notion determined by them, whether this is a substantive and adjective or a pronoun. For particulars see the treatise upon the article p. 141-207. 2. Numerals ordinarily precede the substantive notion. The Section p. 207-215 yields a few exceptions. It has still to be quoted that the cardinal number sometimes follows the substantive in the cases not cited there. They pass the planets seven (MILT., P. L. 3, 480.). Lines forty thousand, cantos twenty five (BYRON, Engl. Bards p. 318.). The Druid Urien had daughters (SCOTT, Harold 4, 14.). This was frequent in ancient times, without any particular weight's being attributed to the number which follows. Old-Engl: Now hadde kyng Lud jonge sones twei (R. OF GL. I. 47.). Smale bollen threo (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 138.). With loves fuf and fissches tuo (CHAUC., C. T. 4922.). I have mad avowes fourty (P. PLOUGHм. p. 101.). These holy martyres foure (HALLIW., Freemas. 501). In the syens seven (556.). Oone God in persons thre (Town M. p. 1.) The planetes seven (p. 2). My harp, and fyngeres ten (p. 51.). That Lord mid woundes fyfe (p. 305) etc.; also: CCC dayes and fyfty (p. 32.). Twenty degrees and oon (CHAUC., C. T. 16681.. Halfsax.: Haued sunen tweien (LAZAM. II. 520.). Godnessess seffne (ORM., Ded. 252. cf. 180.), also: 3ho wass sextiz winnterr ald Annd fowwre annd twenntiz þanne (ORM. 7675.). Anglosax.: Mid his eaforum prim (CEDM 1540.). Cômon þær scipu six tô Viht (SAX. CHR. 897.). Mine suna tvelfe (GREIN, Ags. P. II. 354.). Mid pâm ädelestum ceastrnm ânes vana prittigum (BEDA 1, 1.). Commonly indeed the cardinal members stand before the substantive notion. In combination with first and other we find the cardinal number placed before or after: The four first acts (SHERID, The Critic 1, 1.) For the first ten minutes (COOPER, Spy 13.). Four other children (LEWES, G. 1. 18.). Other seven days (GEN. 8, 12.). clear from the state 3. The position of pronouns of all classes is ment of their use See p. 215-278, where the combination of Mätzner, engl. Gr. II, 2. 36 determinants with one another and the same substantive has been regarded. With regard to the possessive pronoun it remains to be observed that it sometimes interchanges the position before the substantive with that after it: in Mod.-Engl. this touches the pronoun mine, especially in addressing persons. You brother mine (SHAKSP., Temp. 5, 1.). Nay, sweet lady mine (BULW., Rienzi 3, 2.). In truth, lady mine, I rejoice for graver objects (ib.). The older language extents this usage further. Old-Engl.: Arcita, cosyn myn (CHAUC., C. T. 1283.). Y set at table myn, For reverence of lord thyn (ALIS. 4200.). Kep children myne, So hit farith to honoure thyne (4638.). Lad me arst to chaumbre thin (SLUYN SAGES 2452.). Vader oure (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 42. cf. 235. 282.) Bread oure eche dayes yef ous (I. 42.); beside: Oure iche-dayes-bred (I. 282.). Halfsax.: Broperr min (ORM, Ded. 1. 3. 5.), Swa pu scalt wunien in wurdscipe pire (LAZAM II. 520.). Anglosax.: Dryhten min (ANdr. 190). Hafa bletsunge middangeard mine þær þu fère (223.). pät mäg engel pin eád geferan of heofenum (194.). Donne brod or pin onfeng . . fulvihtes bäd (ELEEE 489.). Hlaford ûser (BEOV. 5278.). B. The attributive adjective and the adjective participle is also primarily attached, by reason of its grammatical relation, to its substantive notion, with which it is also held together under one principal accent. Yet various cases are to be here distinguished. 1. A single, although adverbially determined adjective or attributive participle a. commonly, and above all in prose, immediately precedes the substantive, without permitting its separation from it by a determinant. A contentious man (Prov. 26. 21.). The English humourists of the past age (THACKERAY, Engl. Humour. 1.). On the following Friday (TROLLOPE, Framl. Parson 1, 8.). Some ruined temple or fallen monument (ROGERS, It., Naples). Faithful Mamsell Bülow (CARL., Fred. the Gr. 6, 9.). Of the right noble Claudio (SHAKSP., Much Ado 1, 1.). A very sober countenance (THACKERAY, Engl. Humour. 1.). The air of the now declining day (BULW., Rienzi 4, 2.). His already wearied horse (3, 1.). A somewhat remote century (CARL., Past a. Pres. 2, 1. Thy too-piercing words (MARLOWE, Edw. II. 1, 4.). Thy too hard fate (RowE, Fair Penit. 4, 1.). A too-long wither'd flower (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 2, 1.). A too thankful heart (SHERID. Riv. 3, 2.). Your so grieved minde (FERREX A. PORR. 1, 1.). Give as soft attachment to thy senses As etc. (SHAKSP., Troil. a. Cress. 4, 1.). Yet the habit is old of letting the article an, a come between the adjective determined by too, so, as, how and the substantive. You have too heinous a respect of grief (SHAKSP., John 3, 4.). It seems too broad an averment (SCOTT, Minstrelsy I. 51.). I am surprised that one who is so warm a friend can be so cool a lover (GOLDSM., She Stoops 2). The vicinity of so remarkable a people (MACAUL., Hist. of E. I. 12.). Sturdy he was .. As great a drover, and as great A critic too, in dog or neat (BUTL., Hud. 1, 2, 457.). How high a Thus too my separates the adjective from the substantive in: The practice of putting the simple adjective immediately before the A separation of the adjective from the substantive by determinatives b. The single adjective or participle is also frequently placed |