public proceedings on America, with the old warning of the church, Sursum corda! We ought to elevate our minds to the greatness of that trust to which the order of Providence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire; and have made the most extensive, and the only honorable conquests; not by destroying, but by promoting, the wealth, the number, the happiness, of the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an American empire. English privileges have made it all that it is; English privileges alone will make it all that it can be. In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now (quod felix faustumque sit)-lay the first stone of the temple of peace; and I move you, "That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of parliament." ADAM AND EVE'S MORNING HYMN. MILTON. These are thy glorious works! Parent of good! In these thy lowest works; yet these declare 1 Fairest of stars! last in the train of night, Sure pledge of day, that crown'st the smiling morn fall'st. : Moon! that now meet'st the orient sun, now fly'st, To give us only good; and, if the night SPAIN. BYRON. Awake, ye sons of Spain! awake! advance! When her war song was heard on Andalusia's shore? Red Battle stamps his foot, and nations feel the shock. Lo! where the Giant on the mountain stands, His blood-red tresses deep'ning in the sun, With death-shot glowing in his fiery hands, And eye that scorches all it glares upon; Restless it rolls, now fix'd, and now anon Flashing afar, and at his iron feet Destruction cowers to mark what deeds are done; For on this morn three potent nations meet, To shed before his shrine the blood he deems most sweet. 1 MR. CURRAN IN DEFENCE OF ROWAN. "This paper, gentlemen, insists upon the necessity of emancipating the catholics of Ireland, and that 1 is charged as part of the libel. If they had waited another year, if they had kept this prosecution impending for another year, how much would remain for a jury to decide upon, I should be at a loss to discover. It seems as if the progress of public reformation was eating away the ground of the prosecution. Since the commencement of the prosecution, this part of the libel has unluckily received the sanction of the legislature. In that interval our catholic brethren have obtained that admission, which it seems it was a libel to propose; in what way to account for this, I am really at a loss. Have any alarms been occasioned by the emancipation of our catholic brethren? Has the bigoted malignity of any individuals been crushed? Or has the stability of the government, or that of the country been weakened. Or is one million of subjects stronger than four millions? Do you think that the benefit they received should be poisoned by the sting of vengeance? If you think so, you must say to them, "you have demanded emancipation, and you have got it; but we abhor your persons, we are outraged at your success; and we will stigmatize by a criminal prosecution the relief which you have obtained from the voice of your country. I ask you, gentlemen, do you think, as honest men anxious for the public tranquillity, conscious that there are wounds not yet completely cicatrized, that you ought to speak this language at this time, to men who are too much disposed to think that in this very emancipation they have been saved from their own Parliament by the humanity of their sovereign? Or do you wish to prepare them for the revocation of these improvident concessions? Do you think it wise or humane at this moment to insult them, by sticking up in the pillory, the man who dared to stand forth their advocate? I put it to your oaths, do you think, that a blessing of that kind, that a victory obtained by justice over bigotry and oppression, should have a stigma cast upon it by an ignominious sentence upon men bold and honest enough to propose that measure? To propose the redeeming of religion from the abuses of the church, the reclaiming of three millions of men from bondage, and giving liberty to all who had a right to demand it; giving, I say, in the so much censured words of this paper, giving universal emancipation!" I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty commensurate with and inseparable from British soil; which proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner, the moment that he sets his foot upon British earth, that the ground upon which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of universal emancipation.' No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon him-no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down;-no matter with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled, by the irresistable genius of 'universal emancipation.” ON AN ADDRESS TO THE THRONE. CHATHAM. In the course of the debate, Lord Suffolk, secretary for the northern department, undertook to defend the employment of the Indians in the war. His lordship contended, that, besides its policy and necessity, the measures was also allowable on principle. For that "it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature put into our hands!" I AM ASTONISHED! (exclaimed lord Chatham, as he rose)-shocked! to hear such principles confessed to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country: principles equally unconstitutional, inhuman, and unchristian! 1 |