A manual of the principles of government |
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Page 162
... Lord John Russell , by whom it was taken up again in May 1819 , and in April 1822 , found the country still unprepared for it . But the subsequent French Revolution in 1830 , which aimed at establishing constitutional monarchy in that ...
... Lord John Russell , by whom it was taken up again in May 1819 , and in April 1822 , found the country still unprepared for it . But the subsequent French Revolution in 1830 , which aimed at establishing constitutional monarchy in that ...
Page 182
... Lord John Russell , in his Bill for the Amendment of the Representation , in 1854 , in the following words : — " Very great advantage would be derived ... Russell, John Stuart Mill, and other authorities on the Representation of Minorities.
... Lord John Russell , in his Bill for the Amendment of the Representation , in 1854 , in the following words : — " Very great advantage would be derived ... Russell, John Stuart Mill, and other authorities on the Representation of Minorities.
Page 183
Hugh Seymour Tremenheere. Government , in 1865 , Lord John Russell , then be- come Earl Russell , sets forth the principle more fully . Arguing against the vague fears , that by a large extension of the suffrage the working classes would ...
Hugh Seymour Tremenheere. Government , in 1865 , Lord John Russell , then be- come Earl Russell , sets forth the principle more fully . Arguing against the vague fears , that by a large extension of the suffrage the working classes would ...
Page 184
... John Stuart Mill , in 1861 , expressed his approval of the same idea in his Considerations on Representative Government , p . 138. " Lord John Russell , in one of his reform bills , introduced a pro- vision that certain constituencies ...
... John Stuart Mill , in 1861 , expressed his approval of the same idea in his Considerations on Representative Government , p . 138. " Lord John Russell , in one of his reform bills , introduced a pro- vision that certain constituencies ...
Common terms and phrases
absolute monarchy action ancient arises aristocracy Aristotle authority best form body boroughs Burke Burke's called causes Chapter character circumstances citizens commonwealth constitution corruption cracy cultivation demagogues democratic despotism doctrines Dugald Stewart duties Edit election electors elements equality established favour form of government France franchise give Greece Hallam's History hands History of Literature honour human individual influence institutions interests J. M. Kemble justice king laws liberty Lord John Russell Lycurgus majority ment middle class mind minority mixed government mode modern monarchy Montesquieu moral nature oligarchy opinion Parliament party philosophical political society Polybius popular portion possession preserved principles pure democracy qualification recognised reform representation representatives republic Revolution Roman says senate simple forms Sir James Mackintosh social Sparta Tacitus theory tion Tocqueville treatise tyranny tyrant United virtue vote wealth whole wisdom Witan καὶ
Popular passages
Page 224 - To be taught to despise danger in the pursuit of honour and duty; To be formed to the greatest degree of vigilance, foresight, and circumspection, in a state of things in which no fault is committed with impunity, and the slightest mistakes draw on the most ruinous consequences...
Page i - TREMENHEERE'S (HS) Political Experience of the Ancients, in its bearing on Modern Times. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d. Notes on Public Subjects, made during a Tour in the United States and Canada. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d. — Constitution of the United States compared with our own. Post 8vo. 9s. 6d. TWISS' (HORACE) Public and Private Life of Lord Chancellor Eldon, with Selections from his Correspondence.
Page 202 - He that wrestles with us strengthens our nerves, and sharpens our skill. Our antagonist is our helper. This amicable conflict with difficulty obliges us to an intimate acquaintance with our object, and compels us to consider it in all its relations. It will not suffer us to be superficial.
Page 173 - Let me say with plainness, I who am no longer in a public character, that if by a fair, by an indulgent, by a gentlemanly behaviour to our representatives, we do not give confidence to their minds, and a liberal scope to their understandings ; if we do not permit our members to act upon a very enlarged view of things ; we shall at length infallibly degrade our national representation into a confused and scuffling bustle of local agency.
Page 226 - Strength should be lord of imbecility, And the rude son should strike his father dead ; Force should be right ; or rather, right and wrong (Between whose endless jar justice resides) Should lose their names, and so should justice too. Then...
Page 169 - It is the business of the speculative philosopher to mark the proper ends of government. It is the business of the politician, who is the philosopher in action, to find out proper means towards those ends. and to employ them with effect.
Page 173 - Then the monopoly of mental power will be added to the power of all other kinds it possesses. On the side of the people there will be nothing but impotence ; for ignorance is impotence ; narrowness of mind is impotence ; timidity is itself impotence, and makes all other qualities that go along with it impotent and useless.
Page 233 - That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law.